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E-ISSN : 2383-9449
Vol.19 No.1
Abstract
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic once again demonstrated how crucial it is to have unlimited access to scientific information. At the same time, the economic disparities that the pandemic revealed and aggravated made us realize that many of us cannot afford access to expert knowledge. While the international community is speculating about possible outcomes of the crisis, one can be said for sure, the pandemic accelerated many inevitable changes that would otherwise happen at a slower pace including increasing digitalization of the society and the expanding role of open data in the life of the academic community.
Abstract
Most literature on the "comfort women" social movement focuses on the case of Korea. These works tend to transpose the meanings generated by South Korean organizations onto the transnational network, assuming certain homogeneity of repertoires and identities among the different social actors that comprise this network. Even though there is some degree of consensus about demands, repertoires, and advocacy strategies at the international level, does this same uniformity exist at the national level? In each country, what similarities and differences are present in the laboratories of ideas, relationships, and identities of social actors in the network? Symbolically and politically, do they challenge their respective societies in the same way? This article compares this social movement in South Korea, China, and Taiwan. My main argument is that the constitutive base for this transnational network is the domestic actions of these organizations. It is in the domestic sphere that these social actors reinforce their agendas, reinvent their repertoires, transform their identities, and expand their submerged networks, allowing national movements to retain their latency and autonomy. Following Melucci's relational approach to the study of social movements, this research is based on a qualitative analysis of institutional documents, participant observation, and open-ended interviews with members of the main social actors.
Abstract
There is great confusion over what constitutes public diplomacy (PD), who its actors are, and the relevance of non-state actors. In the Korean context, in addition to the general fuzziness of the concept, linguistic peculiarities of the terms gonggong and gongjung both of which refer to public, waegyo, which is interchangeably used for international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy, and juche which is simultaneously used for actor and agent, add more layers of confusion. While the term PD in Korea is based almost entirely on Western conceptualization, these linguistic peculiarities prevent fruitful conversations among scholars and practitioners on PD. Against this background, this research note explores and addresses conceptual ambiguities that pertains to PD and the policy discourse on the topic, particularly on non-state PD in Korea. The paper draws on Korean government's PD-related policy documents and Diplomatic White Papers and all relevant academic articles found in Korean-language journals registered in the Korean Citation Index (KCI), which are analysed to gain an understanding of the PD-related policy discourse in Korea.
Abstract
This study examines media used for information in the East Asian countries of China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, using data from the World Values Survey. The sharing of Confucian culture may lead to a uniform media structure across these nations. Another possibility is technological determinism, which would also lead to similarity across nations. However, it is possible that countries are at different stages of technology development and will eventually become more similar. An opposing notion is that differences in other values among nations predict digital media use. To examine the evidence considering these possibilities, we factor analyze each population's use of nine traditional and digital media to see how similar the structures are. What results is a three-dimensional solution for four out of five countries, except Singapore, which has a more simple two-dimensional structure. Analysts regard Singapore as the most digitally connected society, which raises the question as to whether it is higher on a technological development trajectory, to which other countries may transition. Perhaps a more simple media use structure is an adaptation to increasing information load. As well, as mobile devices have become a primary means of accessing the range of traditional and social media, it may have an expanded role in reducing media channel entropy. In terms of frequency of media use, Singapore is highest, while China is the lowest. Singapore stands out in high mobile use, and China for low Internet use. There appear to be developmental differences across the nations. Regressions on Internet use for 18 values indices find different values predictors in the East Asian countries, ruling out Confucianism as producing similar media patterns.
Abstract
This paper examines the actions and the factors driving those actions to reduce energy consumption and enhance energy efficiency taken by United States cities. While not much empirical evidence is available on why governments pursue practical sustainability actions, we attempt to shed more light on this important topic by empirically identifying factors that contribute to concrete actions toward sustainability policies. We adopt political market theory as a basic theoretical framework with policy-making applied to city energy consumption. Using the 2010 ICMA (local government sustainability policies and program) data, this study expands the focus of analyses to evaluate the effect of the form of government on energy consumption and energy efficiency by using multiple regression analysis. The findings show that at the city level, the mayor-council form of government are negatively associated with governments' efforts to reduce energy consumption. However, cities with at-large elections and municipal ownership are more likely to adopt sustainability actions. We also find that a large-scale economy has significant effects on the effort to reduce city energy consumption and improve energy efficiency. This shows that environmental policies are directly connected to locally relevant affairs, including housing, energy use, green transportation, and water. Thus, local level administrators could take an executive role to protect the environment, encourage the development of alternative energy, and reduce the use of fossil fuel and coal energy. These efforts can lead to important environmental ramifications and relevant actions by municipal governments.
Abstract
The Republic of Korea (Korea) and the Russian Federation (Russia) are actualizing the cooperation in the Arctic area. As a result, Korean companies have begun to enjoy real economic benefits. However, since there are some troublesome aspects associated with this cooperation, measures that can lead to sustainable development through the supplementation of relevant norms are critical. Russia is also aware of these problems in obtaining economic benefits in the future; cooperation between the two countries should be extended to sufficiently cover this point. The laws related to the region are vague and do not encompass every field. In addition, when it comes to national interests, many situations arise from areas where international and national laws are not clearly harmonized. Therefore, efforts should be made to reflect the interests of both sides and to maintain economic benefits, in case Korea participates in Russia's development of the area, as well as for the legal foundation to reduce negative issues. The Korea-Russia Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiation is on the track for the purpose. The two governments should consider various tasks, such as harmonizing with the former FTAs and dealing with the domestic law in accordance with the new FTA. The two countries also have to conduct researches on the efficient use of the FTA and for the 'Sustainable Arctic Development'.
Abstract
This paper examines the existence of herd behaviour in fifteen (15) global stock markets, which consist of Developed Markets (Canada, Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore and the United Kingdom), Advanced Emerging Markets (Brazil, Malaysia, Mexico, Poland and South Africa) and Secondary Emerging Markets (Chile, China, Indonesia, the Philippines and Russia) by using Cross Sectional Absolute Deviation (CSAD) method of Chiang and Zheng (2010). It also seeks to explore the impact of social factors such as prosperity, education, ageing society, industry orientation and gender on the existence of market-wide herding. The findings of this paper indicate that herd behaviour exists in Singapore (Developed Market), Mexico, Poland and South Africa (Advanced Emerging Markets) and China and the Philippines (Secondary Emerging Markets). No evidence of herding is observed for Canada, Hong Kong, Japan, United Kingdom, Brazil, Malaysia, Chile, Indonesia and Russia. Ageing society is also found to have significant impact on the existence of herd behaviour. Nonetheless, prosperity, education, industry orientation and gender are found to be insignificant to herding. This study sheds some light on whether social factors determine herding behaviour in the 15 selected stock markets.
Abstract
This study examines the interplay between the reactions of YouTube users and North Korean propaganda. Interesting enough, the study has noticed changes in the strict media environment under young leader Kim. Messages delivered by the communist regime to the outside world appeared to resemble those of 'normal' countries. Although North Korean YouTube was led mainly by the account operator, visitors from different nations do comment on the channel, which suggests the possibility of building international communities for propaganda purposes. Overall, the study observed a sparsely connected social network among ordinary commenters. However, the operator did not exercise tight control over peer-to-peer communication but merely answered questions and tried to facilitate mass participation. In contrast to the many news clips, the documentary content on North Korea's YouTube channel did not explicitly advocate for North Korea's current political positions.