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ISSN : 2092-738X
It is widely known that the Bugis people, originally from South Sulawesi, have been migrating to many places, including both the Indonesian and Malaysian sides of the borders today. The translocal and transnational movements of the Bugis people, especially to North Kalimantan of Indonesia and Sabah and Johor of Malaysia, have occurred in several waves, particularly during the 17th century, around 1965 and from 1980 to the present. The fall of the kingdom of Somba Opu in South Sulawesi and the rise Dutch colonial power have been the triggers for the early movement of the Bugis to both the Indonesian and Malaysian borders. This was followed by the second push of the Islamic rebellion in South Sulawesi, around 1965, creating another big wave of Bugis movement. The most recent one has been mainly due to economic reasons. These different phases of the movements, as well as the dynamic interplay of various aspects, such as citizenship, ethnic, and sub-ethnic groupings, practicing of cultural traditions and keeping the language, to mention a few, have contributed to the process of the construction of the multiple identities of the Bugis. Indeed, the Bugis people are no longer identified or identify themselves as a single group, but rather have fluid and contesting identities. This paper will discuss three main issues: the history of the translocal and transnational movements of the Bugis to North Kalimantan, Sabah and Johor; the process of adaptation to these new places; and the construction of Bugis identities.
This paper argues and shows how ethnic dimension is still very important in understanding political contestations in Malaysia. To do this, the paper reviews the political as well as population demography to back its assertion. And it is not necessarily improper to continue to use this ethnic lens, although the continued use of this approach has come under heavy criticism both within and from outside Malaysia. Raging debates in Malaysia and by Malaysians are still very much shaped by ethnicity and increasing regional differences. This is further compounded by other factors such as religion, language, and education. In fact, these tools have been more intensely used of late compared to any period before in history as they easily politicize and attract followers.
Malaya attained independence on August 31, 1957 from Britain. However this new nation faced a communist insurgency known today as the “Malayan Emergency” (1948-1960). Then in 1961, Tunku announced a wider federation of “Malaysia”, viz. Malaya, British Crown Colonies of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo, and the protectorate of Brunei. Countering communism was a principal motive for “Malaysia”. Sarawak’s leftist elements were rejected with an armed opposition. Malaysia was formed excluding Brunei. Amidst its birth pangs, Malaysia faced hostile neighbors Indonesia and the Philippines; the former objected by way of Konfrontasi (1963-1967) while the latter laid claim to Sabah (formerly North Borneo). Malaya/ Malaysia was borne in the midst of the Cold War (1947–1991), a bipolar world between the US and the USSR. Malaya/Malaysia is utilized as a case of analysis and evaluation in the context of the twin trends of continuities and transformations in tracing the historical developments from the 1950’s to the 1990’s. The risks, motives, and challenges that prompted the shift in foreign relations reveal as much of the personality of the political leadership, the prevailing situations, and conditions from within and circumstances from without.
Brunei Darussalam is a Malay Islamic Monarchy practicing and upholding traditional heritage. Brunei Darussalam is rich with tangible and intangible cultural heritage shaped by its way of life. One of the traditions maintained and preserved in the country is traditional textile weaving. The tradition covers both consumption and production. In the context of consumption, traditional textiles have multiple roles and symbolic meanings. In the context of production, the tradition showcases great skills and the distinctive cultural, social, intellectual, spiritual, and emotional values of the people of Brunei. This paper will explicate the distinctive values and characteristics of Brunei people from the practices of textile weaving.
This qualitative study was designed to explore the definition of ethnic identity of the Dusuns in Brunei Darussalam from the perspective of Shamsul A.B.’s (1996) “everyday-defined” social reality. The purpose of this study was twofold. Firstly, by employing Phinney’s (1996) formulation of ethnic identity, this study examined the existence of core components of ethnic identity, namely, ethnic self-identification, ethnic involvement, positive attitude towards ethnic group, and sense of belonging in the life of the Dusuns. Secondly, by utilizing Phinney’s (1996) three-stage model of ethnic identity formation, this study investigated the relationship between core components and the formation process of ethnic identity. Twenty-six Dusun informants ranging in age from 8 to 80 years old were interviewed for the purpose of this study. The analysis of the interview data revealed that all core components exist and evolve in the life of the Dusuns. Different perspectives towards core components can also be identified across different age groups. Adult informants contested the relevance of ethnic involvement in view of socio-cultural transformations that occurred within the ethnic group, whereas younger Dusuns were not able to extend sense of belonging outside their family. These findings lead to the identification of family and historical contexts as influential factors that shape the ways the informants experienced the ethnic identity components. Further, the findings of this study indicate the relationship between core components and the formation process of ethnic identity. Sense of belonging and community is only evident in the experience of older informants, sufficient to help them reach the stage of achieving ethnic identity. This also shows a positive sequential relation between the stages in Phinney’s ethnic identity model and the age of the informants. Interestingly, evidence on internalized sense of belonging reveals the fact that an individual could still attain ethnic identity achievement even without experiencing all components of ethnic identity. Once again, this study suggests contextual factors play a role in the stage progression of the Dusuns’ ethnic identity.
This paper discusses how the concept of “bilingualism” can be used to reflect changes within Bruneian society since the 1940’s. It argues that within the context of a linguistically diverse population, the various indigenous groups of Brunei used to speak their own traditional languages, but eventually learned to speak the language of the politically dominant Malays. The Malay language became a necessary additional language, hence leading to a population which could speak their own languages, alongside the Malay language. But the rise of schools teaching in English in the 1970’s began to sow seeds of a different kind of bilingualism, encouraged by language shift processes among ethnic minority groups.