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E-ISSN : 2383-9449
Vol.19 No.2
Abstract
Trends toward an influx of new migrants have been pronounced in East Asia through a development we call the third round of migrant incorporation. At the same time, other features of East Asian societies, such as strong levels of ethnic nationalism, have changed little, posing challenges to multiculturalism. In this introduction to this special issue, we review the latest research trends broadly concerning multiculturalism, migrant groups that have received little attention, racism and xenophobia. We first discuss the state of migrant incorporation in East Asia and the limits of multiculturalism in this region, where various features of the developmental state persist. We then introduce research on voices opposing multiculturalism in East Asia. This introduction highlights what is peculiar―and ordinary―about migrant incorporation and the associated challenges in East Asia.
Abstract
In order to overturn the exclusion of Korean schools from the newly implemented free tuition program (2010) as part of sanctions against North Korea, members of Korean schools and Japanese supporters have focused on "students' innocence" and "multicultural coexistence" as viable frameworks to explain why the students are sympathetic and legitimate subjects who deserve equal rights. Examining different political strategies employed by the Korean schools and their supporters through ethnography and media analysis, the article pays close attention to how they claim their eligibility for these rights while they negotiate state surveillance and intervention in the process. I argue that in their efforts to gain recognition as deserving and sympathetic subjects, Korean schools are trapped in what political theorist Patchen Markell calls a "permanent temptation" in pursuing "recognition." Anti-North Korea sentiments in Japan have made the desire for good recognition even more urgent among Korean school community members. The paper will demonstrate that the search for recognition unwittingly reinforces and perpetuates existing relations of subordination and state dominance over their education as it has forced the Korean schools to accept various "conditions" that would radically alter the core principle, mission, and pedagogy of Korean school education that is rooted in decolonizing theory and praxis. This paper will shed lights on dilemma of multicultural coexistence the Korean minority population faces in Japan today.
Abstract
Among Filipino entertainers in Japan, trans women (transgender women) or transpinay (Filipino trans woman) entertainers remain understudied compared to cisgender women. Though the number of entertainers has declined, transpinay entertainers remain relevant as transgender issues continue to be salient globally. This study explains the gendered experiences of the transpinay migrants, particularly in entertainment work and their relationships, which are different from cisgender Filipino women entertainers' experiences. Using grounded theory and drawing on concepts of performativity in interactions to analyze the narratives of transpinay entertainers, I delve into how transpinay entertainers negotiate their gender and migrant identities as they establish professional and personal relationships. Moreover, the transpinays' entertainment work is a significant contributing factor to their sense of belonging in Japan, as they form relationships with colleagues, clients, and partners who support them and, thereby, sustain their lifestyles as trans women. The transpinay entertainers' flows of migration between Japan and the Philippines reveal that they embrace various aspects of social remittances and use them to their advantage to create and enhance their transpinay identity in Japan. By examining the transpinays' migrant experiences, this study aims to elucidate the gendered experiences of transpinay entertainers, which involve significant negotiations in their migration pathways notably different from cisgender Filipino women entertainers, reveal resilience.
Abstract
From 1959 to 1984, over 93,000 Koreans moved to North Korea from Japan as part of a repatriation project conducted during this time. Among them were people who had escaped from North Korea and immigrated to Japan and South Korea as well as the descendants of such people. This research examines the immigration trajectories of North Korean defectors related to the repatriation project and its effects on international relations in East Asia in a migration systems context. Specifically, it focuses on 26 North Korean defectors who have connections with Japan and settled in Japan and South Korea. It argues that the migration pathways of North Korean defectors linked with the repatriation project have been constructed with the cooperation of and amidst conflict between East Asian countries. To respond to the situation, North Korean defectors used their connections with Japan in amicable relations between Japan and China. However, after the relations went sour, defectors turned to informal transitional networks. If these strategies were unavailable, the defectors faced difficulties, unless they received social or capital support from the destination countries. After entering the destination country, those who settled in Japan have experienced different situations due to the inconsistency in administrative proceedings, while those in South Korea have been treated equally as other defectors. In this sense, some defectors have faced precarious situations in their immigration.
Abstract
Spurred by the ongoing globalization, an increase in mobility has diversified migrant categories and strengthened intercultural rapport. Alongside the "traditional" migrants, "White" (Caucasian) individuals are coming into greater focus of migration studies as "lifestyle migrants". Although White migrations are not a new phenomenon, the deep-seated idea of White supremacy continues to play an important role in contemporary intercultural communication, awarding Whites across communities a "cosmopolitan" status of highly educated cultural elites. As such, the focus of this research is on highly skilled White European migrants, on their subjective experiences of integration in Japan, and whether they perceive Whiteness as an obstacle or an advantage in this process, if integration is desired at all. To discern the connection between race and integration, this research investigates the non-White majority society of Japan as it has established racial hierarchies according to the Western models, consequently influencing the status of its contemporary White immigrants. Privileged, yet singled out as racial and cultural role models, White Europeans' integration seemingly becomes nearly impossible. The data obtained in fifteen semi-structured interviews confirms that Whiteness grants advantages when entering the Japanese job market, but remains an obstacle in everyday community integration. European professionals do not feel accepted and abandon efforts to integrate, if such were made, retreating into "cosmopolitan islets" wherein they renegotiate their White European identities.
Abstract
This paper investigates whether white-collar masculinity can play a role in the life of a far-right activist. The current study employs the methods of psychosocial analysis devised by Wendy Hollway and Tony Jefferson. Using the case of a Japanese far-right activist, it explores how the hegemony and decline of "salaryman masculinity" in Japan interacted with his life. It draws attention to the suffering of white-collar men in their struggle to comply with hegemonic masculinity. These men's suffering tends to be overlooked due to their stable socio-economic status, but it can potentially play a role in their investment in far-right discourse.
Abstract
On the World Refugee Day in 2017, Yao Chen, a Chinese actress, philanthropist, and social media influencer, posted messages in her Weibo in support of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Yet, social media users quickly interpreted this supportive message of the refugee program as encouraging people to "accept and receive refugees" (jieshou nanmin) into China. Particularly, the category of Middle Eastern refugees elicited most criticism in China's cyberspace. As the inclusion of refugees is an integral part of immigrant multiculturalism, this article examines the limits of multicultural imagination of refugees―particularly those from the Middle Eastern and North Africa―in contemporary China. I argue that the limits of multicultural imagination in contemporary China is profoundly shaped by an intricate interweaving of domestic policies and global imaginaries toward refugees. By deploying a mixed methodology, such limits are examined from legal-institutional, ideological, and sociocultural perspectives. More specifically, three interrelated aspects will be highlighted in the article: (1) the global circulation of right-wing populism imaginaries, and their entanglements with the anti-Muslim sentiments in contemporary China; (2) the current insufficiency of the legal-institutional framework regarding refugees and asylum-seekers, which needs to be contextualized in China's modern history of dealing with refugee issues; (3) population politics, the rise of Han-centric nationalism, and their constraining impact on the interpretation of historical events related to cultural diversity. In conclusion, this article also offers potential implications for further examining the different yet potentially intersected genealogies of multicultural imaginaries beyond the Middle Eastern and North African refugees in Asia.
Abstract
In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.
Abstract
Thomas L. Friedman's "Our New Historic Divide: B.C. and A.C. ― The World Before Corona and the World After" column is becoming the talk of the times. Whoever talks about the post-Corona world mentions "BC/AC" as a new concept. However, people seem to be overusing the term "BC/AC" while overlooking the specific context that Friedman emphasized. So, taking into account the cultural differences and contexts of the East and the West highlighted in Friedman's column, we devised the "BC/AC" ten-paradigm hypothesis. We hope these ten cultural shifts will be the first step in examining the post-Corona world.
Abstract
Despite the enormous success in Japan of Korean popular culture, including TV dramas and K-pop, over the past few decades, anti-Korean sentiment in the country has become increasingly visible and intense. In this article, we examine how young Japanese female fans of Korean popular culture engage with the Korean Wave discourse while also engaging with―or, rather, disengaging from―anti-Korean movements and hate speech. Whereas previous scholarship on the Korean Wave has emphasized the power of active fans' agency, this paper investigates how the fans who passionately and self-reflexively consume Korean popular culture understand and react to the growing anti-Korean sentiment in Japan. Through in-depth interviews with 15 of these fans in their 20s and 30s, we show how they have navigated the discursive space between appreciation for Korean culture and anti-Koreanism in Japan.
Abstract
Teaching has become a feminized profession, especially in elementary teaching, in which it is regarded as "women's work." Concerns about the "extinction" of men in the field resulted in calls for male teachers. While studies indicate that there is positive discrimination in favor of men (despite the feminization of teaching), it appears that there are also forms of discrimination that work against them. As such this study explored the challenges of being a male in the feminized profession from the perspective of male teacher candidates. Studies in the field of teacher education in the Philippines mainly focus on curriculum and students' academic achievement, hence an inquiry must be done on the plight of male teachers in a gendered profession. A phenomenological study was employed to look into the realities of six male teacher candidates. Findings show that male teachers are: (1) leadership-destined; (2) conflicted; (3) limited; and (4) devalued. The narrative of male teachers in the Philippine education sector reveals the need to revisit programs and policies in professional development and support. Finally, recommendations are made for teacher education programs to guide teacher candidates' experiences towards a more inclusive profession.
Abstract
Over the last 70 years, South Korea has gone through countless provocations from North Korea. Provocation is something that must be delicately calculated before the actual action, since it can be extended to a serious conflict. Among the possible factors, this paper focuses on the leader's characteristic, because 1) under North Korean dictatorship, the leader's thoughts are critical influence to policies and 2) personal characteristic, especially if it is the dictator's, hardly changes even when the external circumstances change. The purpose of this paper is in analyzing the correlations between North Korean leader's characteristics and provocation pattern. First, three generations of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un's personal characteristics will be described. Next, particular provocation features in respective leader's period will follow. Lastly, how each leader's characteristic and concerns were reflected on the provocations will be analyzed.
Abstract
This study aims to assess the quality of the EU's public diplomacy efforts through social media. Specifically, this research explores the headquarters of European public diplomacy (European External Action Service, EEAS) and its subordinate agent (EU Delegation to South Korea, EUDK). The main research question is "how coherently and effectively does the EU execute public diplomacy strategies in the third countries?'' This study employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches―the former for the results presentation and the latter for the results interpretation. The results are summarized in two points. First, both the EEAS and the EUDK maintained an objective position by posting only neutral perspectives on their social media. Second, the narratives of the main actors were the same, but the main themes were different according to their contexts. The analysis discusses the effectiveness of the EU's strategic narratives by focusing on measuring message reception. Its limited findings were that social media postings could not induce the audiences' active discussion of the EU's diplomatic performances. The conclusion suggests that the EU should identify the expectations from its global counterparts and use these to forge the Union's strategic narratives.