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SANG HO KIM(Professor, Daegu University) pp.1-23 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.1
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Abstract

In this study, the content and scope of police (administrative) law and police administration textbooks published in Korea before 1982, when the National Police University’s Intoduction to Police Science was first published. Through the RISS(Research Information Sharing Service) academic database, related search terms were specified for category books, and a total of 6 textbooks, including 4 textbooks of police (administrative) act and 2 of police administration, were obtained and analyzed based on the external structure and content. The analysis results are summarized as follow. First, all textbooks published at the time were led by authors who had lecture or practical experience in the police field. Police-related studies have grown and developed into specific academic fields of public administration and administrive law, and in this process, it was understood that understanding police practice was an important asset. Next, it was confirmed that the police act and police administration textbooks were discriminatory in content and composition, regardless of the identity of the titles. Lastly, it was confirmed that there are limitations in evaluating the 1982 Introduction to Police Science as a simple mixture of the police act and police administration. Although much of the important content covered in related textbooks is passed on to Introduction to Police Science, there are also contents that can only be found in Introudction to Police Science. It can be understood that plice science has strived to pursue academic independence since its inception, and these efforts have been reflected in textbooks. Based on these analyses, some policy-level suggestions were also presented.

CHEOL WOO JEONG(Professor, Department of Police Science, Korea National University) pp.25-44 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.25
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Abstract

This study was conducted to improve the effectiveness of the organization by analyzing what female police officers want to improve first among the police organizational culture. In this study, the factors for improvement were derived by categorizing organizational culture into consensus culture, development culture, hierarchical culture, and rational culture using the competitive value model. The data surveyed 208 female police officers were selected for improvement priorities using demand analysis. As a result of the study, 'innovation', 'insights for problem solving', 'creativity', 'development', 'consistency of work performance', 'stability of work performance', and 'performance evaluation' were found to be the factors that should be improved first. As a result of the study, policy implications were derived that the institutional improvement is needed to realize equality of opportunities and rewards within the organization. And the attitude of the commander or boss of the police organization should be consistent or predictable.

YOUNG JU PARK(Daegu Metropolitan City Public Agency for Social Service) pp.45-65 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.45
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Abstract

Recently, One of the serious social problems that our society has to solve is digital sex crime. In particular, the majority of the people became aware of the seriousness of digital sex crimes after in the case of “Nth Room", and they came to find countermeasures proactively. Since digital sex crimes occur through digital, teenagers who are familiar with digital devices are likely to be involved, and the damage is continuously increasing due to the nature of digital, which is easy to spread. This study analyzed the perception and status of digital sex crimes among children and adolescents in Daegu. The results of the digital sex crime recognition and fact-finding survey of 944 students(who contained as elementary, middle, and high school) in Daegu are as follows. First, about 95.1% of children and adolescents recognized the seriousness. In particular, 97.6% of female students recognized the seriousness, and 92.3% of male students recognized the seriousness, so the seriousness of female students was relatively high. Second, there was a difference in the perception of the seriousness of digital sex crimes between those who completed a course of digital sex crime prevention education and those who did not. Those who completed a course of digital sex crime prevention education recognized the seriousness of digital sex crimes. From these results, it can be seen that digital sex crime prevention education for children and adolescents is important. Third, it was found that children and adolescents who perceived the seriousness of digital sex crimes committed less digital sex crimes. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize the seriousness of digital sex crime through various contests and campaigns so that students can recognize the seriousness of digital sex crime.

SUNG JE CHO(Professor, Daegu Haany University) pp.67-89 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.67
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Abstract

This study aims to analyze the criticisms discussed in research literature following the enactment of the Anti-Terrorism Act and suggest directions for its revision. The current Anti-Terrorism Act defines the concept of terrorism while enumerating specific types of terrorist acts related to public safety, such as those involving aircraft, vessels, nuclear materials, etc. This legislation is a result aimed at resolving the ambiguity in the constitutive elements by reflecting diverse opinions in reality. However, regarding the necessity for legislation on newly emerging terrorist acts that are not enumerated, legislative authorities should exercise the utmost caution. Furthermore, concerning the criticism that the penalties for terrorist acts under the Anti-Terrorism Act are punishable as crimes under general criminal law, the current legislative approach is considered appropriate, taking into account the criticism that intensified penalties through special laws could excessively infringe on human rights. The current Anti-Terrorism Act defines terrorist organizations as those designated by the United Nations (UN). Defining terrorist organizations in our country independently could potentially provoke unnecessary domestic and international conflicts. Considering the ambiguity in the current provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Act, defining terrorist organizations as those designated by the UN is relatively objective and desirable. Given the persistent threat of terrorism in our country and its expanding nature, necessary 'tracking' of individuals posing a terrorist risk through information gathering and counterterrorism measures concerning entry/exit, financial transactions, and communication laws is inevitable. However, to prevent excessive infringement of basic rights beyond the principle of proportionality, there is a need for strict designation of individuals posing a terrorist risk. Additionally, procedures involving the designation of individuals posing a terrorist risk, information gathering, and tracking should involve a human rights protection perspective explicitly laid out in procedures. Article 7, paragraph 1 of the Anti-Terrorism Act stipulates the establishment of a Counterterrorism Human Rights Ombudsman within the Counterterrorism Committee to prevent violations of citizens' fundamental rights due to counterterrorism activities of relevant agencies. Matters related to the qualifications, tenure, etc., of the Human Rights Ombudsman are to be stipulated by presidential decree. Given the nature of counterterrorism activities, for this Human Rights Ombudsman system to be effective, it is necessary to grant them substantive investigative powers to investigate human rights violations and the authority to issue orders to heads of relevant agencies. Adequate support in terms of manpower is also required to support these efforts. Article 18, paragraph 4 of the Anti-Terrorism Act specifies that, due to limitations in police capabilities and in cases requiring urgent support, the Chief of the Countermeasure Headquarters may request the Counterterrorism Special Forces under the Ministry of National Defense to carry out operations outside military facilities. This raises constitutional concerns similar to those under martial law. If future counterterrorism operations anticipate limitations in police capabilities despite enhancements in the weapons systems and training and reinforcement of police special forces, it may be necessary to eliminate these constitutional concerns through constitutional amendments.

DONG HUN JANG(Police Officer, Police Agency in Daegu) pp.91-111 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.91
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Abstract

This study aims to assess existing laws and ordinances in Korea, focusing on police cooperation, crime prevention support, and community security activities. It proposes effective improvement plans to enhance legal frameworks. Traditional crime prevention highlighted punishment and deterrence. However, attention has shifted to Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design(CPTED), focusing on proactive crime prevention by enhancing the environment. In pursuit of these improvements, several crucial steps are necessary. Firstly, it is vital to establish a dedicated foundational law tailored specifically to CPTED, delineating basic guidelines for crime prevention-related ordinances and regulations. Secondly, central and local governments must enact explicit laws mandating police involvement in crime prevention policies and projects across all regions, as police participation in CPTED projects is mandatory in only twelve metropolitan municipalities. Thirdly, while traditional CPTED-related laws prioritized strengthening physical environments and crime-prone areas according to first-generation principles, the significance of community engagement now surpassed mere surveillance and access control, credited to advancements like surveillance cameras, Lastly, in the implementation of crime prevention facilities, central and local governments must expand support targets, prioritizing comprehensive financial assistance for crime-vulnerable households and addressing multifaced issues through the enactment of fundamental laws or ordinances. This study holds significant implications, providing a foundation for suggesting diverse strategies in CPTED development thereby fortifying crime prevention strategies.

TAE KYUNG HONG(Professor, Kaya University) pp.113-135 https://doi.org/10.23238/JCPP.PUB.1.2.113
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Abstract

The assurance of the police force's political neutrality and commitment to democracy has been a longstanding issue in Korean society. While the expedited pursuit of granting investigative powers to the police may not have been without its hasty aspects, it likely was an unavoidable choice to progress towards a more democratic policing. With the nationwide implementation of the autonomous police system in July 2021, led by the Autonomous Police Committees, autonomous police organizations were established. With aspirations to reflect the demands of local residents from closer proximity and unfold public safety policies that consider the unique characteristics of each region, the autonomous police system was launched. However, as the Korean autonomous police system marks its 3rd year in operation, the prevailing assessment leans towards negativity. Criticisms arose initially concerning the perceived bias in the composition of Autonomous Police Committees following the initiation of the autonomous police system. Subsequently, there have been observations regarding the functional shortcomings of these committees. Disappointments have been voiced on diverse fronts, including issues with budget allocation for autonomous police in each municipality, deficiencies in local regulations, and the absence of diversified public safety policies. Local police officers, as well, have voiced negative evaluations, citing operational confusion, discord between police administration and local administration, and the limitations of the centralized autonomous police system. The multitude of identified issues is closely tied to the inherent limitations of the Korean autonomous police system, which was established as a unitary form of autonomous policing centered around the national police. Even more concerning is the fact that, since the present government took office, there has been a trend towards strengthening central control over the police, evident in the establishment of new Police Bureau, without a clear commitment to the decentralization of policing. Consequently, the autonomous police system discovers itself adrift in a situation where there is no clear determination to promote decentralization. In this study, we focus to examine the shortcomings of the Korean autonomous police system that have surfaced during the past 3 years of its operation. We also intend to contemplate potential solutions to address these issues and have examined the efforts demanded from diverse stakeholders to ensure the successful establishment of the Korean autonomous police system.

Journal of Crime and Police Policy