ISSN : 0023-3900
The Neo-Confucian literati who emerged in Goryeo's later years adopted Neo-Confucianism as a new ideology of addressing tasks of the time in place of Buddhism. Dominant ideology's shift from Buddhism to Neo-Confucianism in the later years of Goryeo and the early years of the Joseon dynasty represented a major development in Korea's intellectual history, responding to a transformation in medieval Korea. Neo-Confucianism served as the dominant ideology throughout the Joseon dynasty. However, responses to various historical situations were quite different from one another, so Neo-Confucianism's role and relative importance were not the same throughout the 500-year history of the dynasty. Neo-Confucianism also played a prominent role in the development of Korean society until the latter half of the seventeenth century. However, when Korea began to change from an agriculture-oriented society into a commerce- and industry-oriented one thereafter, Neo-Confucianism failed to successfully cope with the resultant social changes, resulting in deepened socioeconomic contradictions. There arose a new school of Practical Learning in an attempt to resolve these contradictions.
The purpose of this essay is to show that there has been a strong tradition in Confucian political thought which criticizes and resists tyranny and even justifies revolta revolution against it, contrary to the perennial Western assumption that tyranny is fit suitable for for Asia. In order to do this, first of all, wWee will first examine the Aristotelian nonotion of tyranny in order to find out how Aristotle coupled tyranny and Asia were coupled in his nascent form of political Orientalism. After such examination,We will then we compare Aristotle's analysis of tyranny with the political thought of Mencius (孟子 372- 289 B.C.) to prove that there has also been a great long tradition in East Asia to checkchecking and controlcontrolling tyranny. In conclusion, tIn order to undertake such comparison, first, we examine Aristotle's analysis of tyranny in more detail. Then, we analyze Confucian analysis of tyranny focusing mainly upon Mencius's works, while comparing it with Aristotle's. This comparison will show that the Westcentric concept of Oriental despotism, which, which appeared in itsa pristine form in Aristotle and has been inherited and further strengthenedreinforced by modern and contemporary Western thinkers since Montesquieu, might not apply to the Confucian tradition of East Asia.
This study examines the movement to adopt democracy during the enlightenment period, Korea's first intellectual attempt to fuse Confucianism and democracy. This paper focuses on the context within which the enlightenment intellectuals adopted the ideas of liberty and rule by the people (minchi), core concepts of democracy. More concretely, this paper first explores how enlightenment intellectuals adopted the democratic concept of rule by the people on Confucian soil, where explicitly defined concepts as rule of the people (minbon) and for the people (wimin) were not extant. Then this paper examines how they adopted the value of liberty, a concept focusing on the rights of both parties engaged in a bilateral contract, based on the Confucian tradition that emphasized morality in the establishment of ethical order centering on exchange of duty for mutual benefit.The findings are summarized as follows: First, in adopting the Western principle of rule by the people, which was represented by the provision of political rights and the right of resistance, Korean enlightenment intellectuals focused on making the latent Confucian counterpart principles manifest. Second, they clung to Confucian tradition by matching the Western notions of liberty (right) and rule of law with the Confucian ideas of mutual benefit and rule of virtue. For rule by the people, enlightenment intellectuals admitted the weakness of Confucianism and attempt its reinterpretation. For liberty (right) and the rule of law, they strongly defended the superiority of the Confucian notions of mutual benefit and moral politics.
Recently, the High School Equalization Policy has become a highly contentious issue in Korea. Agreeing in part with the equalization policy, this paper attempts to overcome its current limits. First, we find that the equalization policy has the effect of limiting the drive to achieve social justice, and that discussions of this binary opposition itself are a hindrance to grasping the fundamental causes generating the current problems plaguing Korea? educational system. Secondly, we put forward a new dimension of educational competition that has developed in the globalizing world, which can weaken the expected effects of the equalization policy. Furthermore, we attempt to develop these new settings within a scheme of ?odernization and globalization of educational strategies and by reformulating Fred Hirsch? achievements.