This study addresses the relationship between poverty, health needs, and health care in South Korea. According to Hart’s inverse care law, the availability of good medical care tends to vary inversely with need. The results of this study indicate significant increases in the mortality rate when poverty is high and the number of hospitals is low in the metropolitan area of Seoul, the capital of South Korea. These results support the validity of the inverse care law. Hart was primarily concerned with the effects of market forces on the accessibility of health care. The paradox of the South Korean health care system in a geographical context is that while the authoritative governmental structure supports the development of a private provider market and social policy, the same administrative structure must correct the inequitable distributions of hospitals and assistance for the poor. These findings indicate that the tenets of the inverse care law may apply in some regions but not in others due to differences in the historical formation of the health care system of each region and specific locale.
Through a case study on Korea’s Joseon dynasty, the primary purpose of this article is to uncover the Confucian foundation of public sector welfare in the kingdom era of East Asia’s history and to discuss the unlikelihood of realizing Confucian idealism in a pre-industrial country that was experiencing cycles of poverty and natural disasters. To this end, this article answers the following research questions: What are the central philosophical and political ideas of Confucianism? In what ways are the Confucian concepts of wangdao politics and datong society related to public sector welfare? How did Joseon’s minbon (minben in Chinese) ideology influence the establishment of its public welfare system? What were the main attributes and programs of Joseon’s welfare institutions? Finally, why did Confucian idealism fail to materialize in Joseon?
Journalism scholars have argued that South Korean newspapers take advantage of quotation-embedded headlines to perpetuate their bias. However, the frequent use of direct quotations alone is not sufficient evidence for opinionated news. This study claims that it is more important to scrutinize the accuracy of direct quotations in headlines rather than their frequency. This study further argues that the accuracy of direct quotations should be analyzed with three foci: the exactness of the quotation, the validity of the attribution, and the legitimacy of the emphasis. Using these, this study attempts to compare headlines in South Korean and American newspapers (i.e., Chosun Ilbo and The New York Times). A content analysis revealed that Chosun Ilbo prevalently placed direct quotations in headlines, extensively revised them, frequently left out the verb of attribution, and put more direct quotations in the very beginning of headlines. These trends are becoming more pronounced over time. This study seeks to challenge the methodological limitations of current headline studies and expanding newspaper accuracy literature with a particular emphasis on headlines.
Through analyzing the five types of statistical data compiled in the Chosen shuppan keisatsu geppo 朝鮮出版警察月報(Publication Police Monthly of Joseon), this article explores the trends of Japanese colonial censorship and the intellectual and cultural landscape of colonial Korea. The censorship controls by the Publication Police were exercised intensively on Korean publications, especially Korean language newspapers such as Chosun Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo, as well as Korean-Chinese language newspapers like Minshengbao (Voice of the People) published in Manchuria. With respect to the latter group, the Publication Police was more concerned with suppressing the inflow of publications from Manchuria and China than from Japan at the outbreak of both the Manchurian Incident and later the Sino-Japanese War. This study finds that the effects of censorship controls resulted in severe obstruction of the growth of knowledge culture within the colony on the one hand, but on the other hand, greatly enhanced the cultural position ofthe metropole as a source of modern knowledge.
A political cartoon often contains a substantial amount of information that serves to create a particular hypothesis about a historical event. It frequently expresses ideas far more clearly and concisely than words and functions as a powerful tool of communication. It is often intended to affect public opinion or to influence foreign policy, and operates as potentially powerful propaganda. As a result of advances in printing technology, political commentary in journalism flourished at the end of the nineteenth century. In particular, commentary in the form of cartoons spread throughout Europe and even to Meiji Japan through European artists and correspondents. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, political cartoons offered broad analyses of foreign policies toward Korea as well as concise depictions of real events in Korean history. This article examines the historical events that influenced political cartoons and the images of Korea as reflected in cartoons published between 1876 and 1898. This study seeks to enhance the understanding of Korean power politics in a vivid and accessible way and to build momentum toward the use of political cartoons as primary source material.
This article investigates the cultural irony of Confucian discipline set against the literary presentation of emotions, from the angle of cultural studies grounded on historical and philosophical approaches, literary text analysis, and gender criticism. First, it aims to explore how funeral oration legitimized the act of weeping for scholar-officials of Joseon and shows how gender was a key element in understanding the way emotional expressiveness was accommodated, represented, and articulated in the Confucian norm. Next, it examines how the level of emotional expressiveness of the funeral oration was closely linked to bloodline, physical and psychological distance, the nature of a relationship, and social context. Finally, it shows that mourning and sadness were deemed the purest and sincerest expression of authentic feeling, as seen through its close association with bodily reactions, and that the funeral oration served as an exhibition of the interaction of human feelings
A colonial city usually experiences spatial division induced by ethnic division. Busan, which held the highest proportion of the Japanese population among colonial Korean cities, was a city that represented the locality of colonized Joseon, i.e. coloniality. Yet, the city’s geographical conditions and unique history wove a double-layered sense of locality, which cannot simply be attributed to coloniality. A long stretch of hillside zone surrounding the narrow flatland along the coastline served as a natural boundary between the two ethnic groups, forming a landscape unique to Busan. In addition, by hosting the Japanese diplomatic and trading headquarters, the city had a history of interaction with Japan going back several hundred years, which facilitated the settlement of the Japanese in Busan more rapidly than any other city in Korea. This article approaches the topic of hill villages, regarded still as a symbolic landscape and space of Busan, from a historical perspective, with a focus on spatial production and arrangement, and attempts to account for the socioeconomic relations of the colonial city.