ISSN : 0023-3900
Exploring the social and political background of the citizens movement and its trajectory in the 1990s, this paper analyzes why the citizens movement became so influential in Korea in the 1990s. This paper shows that the citizens movement as a new type of social movement appeared during the period of democratic transition in response to both the collapse of Eastern European state socialism and the continuation of authoritarian regimes, despite the success of the struggle for democracy in Korea. This paper also points out that contentious politics was an outcome of the regime change that took place in 1997, culminating in the impeachment of the president in 2004, which contributed to the formation of conservative citizens movement organizations. According to this papers argument, like political society, civil society is neither homogeneous nor monolithic but is divided or fragmented in terms of political ideology and interests.
This paper explores the discourse on the citizens movement in Korea in comparison to Japan. Although Korea and Japan use the same term of citizens movement, the discourses on it were totally different from each other due to the different historical context of these respective citizens movement. While the discourse on citizens movement focused on class issues with respect to the minjungmovement in Korea, the dis-course in Japan concerned itself with with new subjects of the social movement associated with Japanese modernization. While there was almost no discourse on a theory of a organization in Korea, a discourse on the organization of citizens movement, related to the characteristics of Japanese modernization, was also elaborated from the beginning in Japan. However, discourse on the citizens movement in Korea focused on the issues of the citizens movement that were scarcely found in Japan. A comparative analysis of the discourse on the citizens movement reveals particular features of the citizens movement itself and raises theoretical questions that have been previously ignored in thinking about the citizens movement in Korea.
This paper aims to examine the characteristics of Korean citizens movement organizations. While the 1989 inauguration of the Citizens Coalition for Economic Justice heralded a completely new start for the social movement of the 1990s, citizens movement organizations activi- ties displayed a continuity with the democratization movement by con- tinuously demanding political reform. Differing from the 1980s social movement and led by radical ideologies, the major citizens movement organizations, despite some ideological differences, displayed a new trend that could have been categorized as liberalism. They also encompassed a wide range of policy issues; in particular, the resource mobilization methods of citizens movement organizations, such as the collection of membership fees and contributions, were considerably different from those of past movement organizations, which centered on human resources. It is also to be noted that they continuously pushed ahead with theunfinished tasks of the democratization movement through the main-streaming of democratic reform issues. That they grew into such mas- sive institutions that they begged being called pseudo-political parties by dealing with comprehensive issues might have been the result of their having organized themselves with a view to coping with a centralized authoritarian power structure.
Differing from the previous movement in terms of objective and approach, the citizens movement is closely connected to the political opposition that existed during the military dictatorship period. Contrary to the citizens movements of other advanced countries, especially those of Japan, the Korean citizens movement has tended to put heavier emphasis on political transformation than on the everyday lives of peo- ple. Among Korean civil organizations, however, while some groups are similar to those of the New Social Movements in terms of their objectives and philosophy, others are not. These comprehensive citizens movement organizations implicitly set macro-structural changes in Korean society as their goal, believing that their mission was the criti- cism of Seoul-based national politics. Although the movement enjoyed rapid growth from the 1990s, a sense of crisis spread to the activists after the advent of Koreas economic crisis, the establishment of civilian governments, and globalization. Along with these, limited human resource pools or the so-called crisis of reproducing the citizens movement activists also cannot be ignored.
Against the historic backdrop of sixteen years practice of electing a mayor and local council, and the resultant heightened politicization of local public administration, this paper intends to introduce perspectives to explain the citizens movement, examine the characteristics of the local citizens movement in comparison to its national counterpart, and analyze the governing structure and characteristics of local communities.This paper first focuses on the underlying structure of local commu-nity. In order to activate the citizens movement, it is natural to emphasize the task of transforming the personalized into associational mobilizations based on civic interests. Secondly, the segmented structure of the local community leads to hostile antagonism among different political groups. Communal factors and a segmented social structure hinder democratic institutionalization, while official procedures appear to be overwhelmed by the influence of the personal ties. In Koreas democracy, the citizens movement has been retarded atthe local level, due to segmented communication, social relations that foster a selfish worldview, constraints on participation, and the limitations of institutional decentralization, i.e. power-sharing. This paper has attempted to examine the structural contradictions of the local citizens movement and present solutions to the problem.
This essay investigates the reasons and methods that Toegye used to justify his li-qi dualism, and indicates the internal intensions in histhoughts. On the one hand, Toegye solved some problems raised by the critics of li-qi dualism and contributed to the understanding of his mas-ter Zhu Xis works. On the other hand, his justification also brought forth new tensions and, as a result, showed new directions for the development of Neo-Confucianism, which was testified to by Yi Yul- goks qi monism. In a sense, Toegyes system is a milestone in thedevelopment of Korean Confucianism, just as Zhu Xis thoughts are the foundation of Neo-confucianism.
Our paper aims to compare the historical characteristics of democratization in Korea and Britain, and its result and significance in these two countries. In carrying out this project, we put special focus on the roles and the characteristics of liberalism in Korea and Britain. In Korean and British democratization, liberalism played a leading role in the his- zation relied on the spread of liberal values and principles, while Korea made it its objective to normalize or actualize the framework of liberal democracy given from above. The differences in the process of democratization were accompanied by divergences in both the composition of the supporters of liberalism and in its role. The two cases also reveal clear differences in the relationship between the evolution of democracy and liberalism and the development of liberalism after democratization. From our examination of the Korean and British experiences, we argue that the fact that Korea trod a different route should not lead to the underestimation or devaluing of Korean democratization.