In the 1920s and 1930s, Moscow occupied an important place on the Korean intel- ligentsia’s cognitive maps. For the communists, studying at Comintern schools there was a cherished dream. Approximately two hundred Korean communists either studied or taught in Moscow throughout the 1920s and 1930s. For the noncommunist anti- colonial progressives too, Moscow was the place to observe a fascinating sociopolitical experiment. For them, Moscow symbolized social emancipation of the erstwhile oppressed classes, female liberation, and efforts to enlighten the “masses,” which they regarded as needed in Korea as well. Interestingly enough, the conservative Stalinist turn in internal Soviet politics from the early 1930s was duly registered in Moscow travelogues by Korean intellectuals as well. Social levelling was still seen as an import- ant defining trait of the Soviet experience, but at the same time close attention was increasingly paid to rapid industrial and military development. Drawing on a large number of colonial-age materials, the present article attempts to reconstruct the diverse overlapping images of Moscow in Korea under Japanese rule. It focuses on the complex interactions between diverse images of the city which embodied, for Koreans as well as other foreign visitors, all the essential features of the Soviet sociopolitical and cultural experiment.
In the early Silla period from the Saro state until the isageum era, vassals would administer state affairs under the direct orders of the rulers of small states and report the results to them. The vassals had no definite missions or roles, with the ruler entrusting tasks to any vassal as the occasion demanded and at his own discretion. The arbitrary directives and administration by the ruler and vassal groups were subject to regulations under the laws of the small states. As the jurisdiction of laws was confined to the state involved, the ruler of Saro was limited in his control and administrative policies vis-à-vis the small states of the Jinhan Confederacy, even after Saro became the leading state of that confederacy. During the rule of the maripgan (great chief), the decisions made at collective deliberation (gongnon 共論) sessions were announced in the form of royal instructions, which in turn were implemented as ordinances. Bureaucrats in charge of certain tasks emerged, and the public office administering financial and logistical affairs was established during this period. Administrative ordinances (gyoryeongbeop 敎令法) were the legal basis of the state administration during the reign of the maripgan. As administrative system gradually settled at the central and local provinces, the administrative ordinances began to be enforced at the six central polities and local villages, affecting the residents in the provincial areas.
In this article, I probe questions surrounding plagiarism and adaptation in Korean film via analysis of the two films that launched the Korean youth film genre of the mid- 1960s: Kim Ki-duk’s Gajeong gyosa (Private Tutor, 1963) and Kim Soo-yong’s Cheongchun gyosil (Classroom of Youth, 1963). Private Tutor and Classroom of Youth were based on translations of two best-selling novels by Ishizaka Yojiro: the first Hi no ataru sakamichi (A Slope in the Sun) and the second Aitsu to watashi (That Guy and I). In Japan, the same two novels were turned into films in 1958 and 1961, respectively, by Nikkatsu Film Company: one as A Slope in the Sun (1958) by Tasaka Tomotaka and the other as That Guy and I (1961) by Nakahira Ko. In this article, I examine how Ishizaka’s novels were adapted to become Private Tutor and Classroom of Youth, comparing them with the Nikkatsu films and relevant screenplays. In doing so, I reveal the system of plagiarism and adaptation at work in the Korean film scene of the early and mid-1960s.
Despite a rising academic interest in South Korea’s public diplomacy, little is known about its origins and evolution. Most existing studies have focused on the modern period of South Korea’s public diplomacy, in particular the government’s new foreign policy agenda since the late 2000s. Contrary to popular belief, this article argues that the recent infiltration of public diplomacy into South Korea’s foreign policy represents de jure intensification of activities that de facto have been practiced from the second half of the 20th century. The present research divides the evolution of South Korea’s public diplomacy into four periods: origins, diversification, polycentrism, and institutionalization. Each period has its own specific patterns, ends, and means. For instance, whereas the origins period arose with cultural and sports diplomacies, diversification included specific areas of engagement with foreign publics through official development assistance, knowledge, and exchange diplomacies. In turn, polycentrism has structurally transformed public diplomacy from a solely state-led activity into a polycentric framework of public and private partnership. Lastly, the institutionalization period represents the government’s recent efforts to establish a universal coordinative authority above its public diplomacy, which represents a fragmented set of activities conducted by various governmental institutions.
This study examines the characteristics of the cultural landscape of traditional Korean villages by focusing on the gates of hanok (traditional Korean houses). To this end, three traditional Korean villages in Gyeongsang-do province were selected. In Museom Village, Yeongju, the results demonstrated that the gate landscape varied according to the location of houses. In Hwangsan Village in Geochang, the uniformity of the land- scape, was preserved through the collective efforts of the village community. Finally, in Yangdong Village, Gyeongju, where most houses were built on a slope, the landscape of gates differed according to topographic characteristics. The analytic results of these tar- get villages indicate that traditional Korean villages were constructed based on the common Korean perception of landscape creation through adaptation to the natural environment and that they have retained different characteristics in terms of their spa- tial, humanistic, and geographical aspects. As such, this study confirmed that hanok gates have a significant value in academic research as visual units of landscape that contribute to forming the overall landscape of traditional Korean villages as well as objects that represent Korean cultural identity and perception of landscape.
In this article, I explore ways in which one can make relationships with the commer- cially saturated environments of contemporary Korea in nuanced ways, by taking the term “the Ganpan Republic” (literally, “the signboard republic”) as a threshold. In doing so, this article offers three bodies of work: first, an introduction to the theories of enchantment; second, an analysis of the recent mega-scale urban project called Design Seoul with an emphasis on the ganpan; and third, a comparison of Design Seoul with French artist Manoël Pillard’s nightscape paintings of Seoul. While Pillard, as a non-Korean, pays full attention to the minute details of the signscapes with curiosity and revitalizes them through his painterly practice, Design Seoul strives to remove it from the domain of everyday life, thereby establishing a clutter-free cityscape. Instead of simply taking up the position of either Pillard or Design Seoul, I argue that reading the two together through the notion of enchantment encourages us to be attentive to the multiple sensorial dimensions of the ganpan, thus addressing the nature of the materials that are simultaneously distracting and sense-provoking.