Korea Journal
- 권한신청
- P-ISSN0023-3900
- E-ISSN2733-9343
- A&HCI, SCOPUS, KCI
64권 3호
초록
This article examines ideas on the public (公) and the private (私) among Joseon scholars of the 18th century, with a particular focus on Seongho Yi Ik (1681–1763). Yi Ik understood the private as the state one personally feels and experiences and the public as the state one shares and sympathizes with others. The private acquires universality when one rejoices together in what pleases others and hates what others dislike. Although he did not believe all diverse desires and emotions experienced at the private level to be inherently universal and public in nature, he argued that the understanding of the moral foundations of the public could not be detached from the consideration for innate human desires and common emotions. Yi Ik recognized the public value not only of the special emotions known as the four sprouts (四端), but also of general emotions known as the seven emotions (七情), if they were expressed with situational appropriateness through empathy with others. Seongho saw human nature as having empathy for others and an aspiration for coexistence, and understood the social realization of these natural tendencies as the public (公). Thus, the public was understood primarily as stemming from spontaneous human nature and emotions, rather than being enforced through institutional or legal coercion.
Abstract
This article examines ideas on the public (公) and the private (私) among Joseon scholars of the 18th century, with a particular focus on Seongho Yi Ik (1681–1763). Yi Ik understood the private as the state one personally feels and experiences and the public as the state one shares and sympathizes with others. The private acquires universality when one rejoices together in what pleases others and hates what others dislike. Although he did not believe all diverse desires and emotions experienced at the private level to be inherently universal and public in nature, he argued that the understanding of the moral foundations of the public could not be detached from the consideration for innate human desires and common emotions. Yi Ik recognized the public value not only of the special emotions known as the four sprouts (四端), but also of general emotions known as the seven emotions (七情), if they were expressed with situational appropriateness through empathy with others. Seongho saw human nature as having empathy for others and an aspiration for coexistence, and understood the social realization of these natural tendencies as the public (公). Thus, the public was understood primarily as stemming from spontaneous human nature and emotions, rather than being enforced through institutional or legal coercion.
초록
This article investigates how in 1967 South Korea’s local elites, developmental regime, and American park planners jointly designed South Korea’s first national park around Mt. Jiri as a recreational park. In so doing, this article asks what it meant to preserve nature in the 1960s South Korea in the context of the developmental populism of the Park Chung-hee regime and Cold War preservationism. After the end of the Korean War, Mt. Jiri’s forest suffered overlogging by garrisoned soldiers and non-native timber traders. In response, local leadership actively sought to bring in another industry in which they could participate, such as large plantations. By the mid-1960s, several government survey teams explored the mountain, aiming to set up large plantations on Mt. Jiri at the request of local society. However, due to the inhospitable environment to alpine agriculture, the South Korean government abandoned the food colony project and opted instead for a national park in 1965. In this context, the South Korean government designed a new national park to maximize the profit for the government and local society, with consultations with economists of US foreign aid agencies. Paradoxically, this model made Mt. Jiri less attractive to IUCN’s preservationist park planners seeking to establish well-preserved natural reserves in the Third World, and eventually helped the opening of a recreational national park in 1967.
Abstract
This article investigates how in 1967 South Korea’s local elites, developmental regime, and American park planners jointly designed South Korea’s first national park around Mt. Jiri as a recreational park. In so doing, this article asks what it meant to preserve nature in the 1960s South Korea in the context of the developmental populism of the Park Chung-hee regime and Cold War preservationism. After the end of the Korean War, Mt. Jiri’s forest suffered overlogging by garrisoned soldiers and non-native timber traders. In response, local leadership actively sought to bring in another industry in which they could participate, such as large plantations. By the mid-1960s, several government survey teams explored the mountain, aiming to set up large plantations on Mt. Jiri at the request of local society. However, due to the inhospitable environment to alpine agriculture, the South Korean government abandoned the food colony project and opted instead for a national park in 1965. In this context, the South Korean government designed a new national park to maximize the profit for the government and local society, with consultations with economists of US foreign aid agencies. Paradoxically, this model made Mt. Jiri less attractive to IUCN’s preservationist park planners seeking to establish well-preserved natural reserves in the Third World, and eventually helped the opening of a recreational national park in 1967.
초록
This paper argues that Choe Han-gi’s political philosophy should be defined as jichi (rule by knowledge). Deokchi (rule by virtue) is a common political principle present from primitive Confucianism all the way up to NeoConfucianism, and which places the essence of politics in the ruler’s moral virtue. On the other hand, jichi is distinguished from deokchi in that it is a political principle centered on knowledge. Choe’s advocacy of jichi while inheriting Confucianism is related to the acceptance of Western science. Deokchi in Confucianism is justified within the relationship between the Mandate of Heaven and the human mind, and Choe Han-gi is no exception. However, the acceptance of Western science differentiates the concepts of the Mandate of Heaven and the human mind, and jichi is justified. In jichi, policy decisions are made based on the relevant knowledge, and the acquisition of knowledge occurs through cognition. These characteristics are prominent in practicing politics for the people. Politics for the people is not based merely on the morality of the ruler. When politics is based on the knowledge gained by cognizing the opinions of the people, politics for the people is realized.
Abstract
This paper argues that Choe Han-gi’s political philosophy should be defined as jichi (rule by knowledge). Deokchi (rule by virtue) is a common political principle present from primitive Confucianism all the way up to NeoConfucianism, and which places the essence of politics in the ruler’s moral virtue. On the other hand, jichi is distinguished from deokchi in that it is a political principle centered on knowledge. Choe’s advocacy of jichi while inheriting Confucianism is related to the acceptance of Western science. Deokchi in Confucianism is justified within the relationship between the Mandate of Heaven and the human mind, and Choe Han-gi is no exception. However, the acceptance of Western science differentiates the concepts of the Mandate of Heaven and the human mind, and jichi is justified. In jichi, policy decisions are made based on the relevant knowledge, and the acquisition of knowledge occurs through cognition. These characteristics are prominent in practicing politics for the people. Politics for the people is not based merely on the morality of the ruler. When politics is based on the knowledge gained by cognizing the opinions of the people, politics for the people is realized.
초록
Research on localism in the form of the friends and neighbors effect (FNE) over the past 70 years has been focused on Western democracies, but has largely overlooked political contexts in other regions. This article examines the prevalence of the FNE in presidential elections in the Republic of Korea to partially fill this gap. The particular significance of this contextual electoral effect is due to the specific phenomenon of Korean regionalism, largely created by politicians. The results of the study confirm the main assumptions about the importance of geographical proximity between the candidate and the electorate for the spatial distribution of candidate support. Most candidates’ electoral support levels are higher near their birthplaces. Differences in the effect’s expression are observed among urban and provincial, left-wing and all other, major and minor candidates. The gradual decrease in the influence of the effect over time is consistent with the assumption of a link between the FNE and regionalism in Korea. Regionalism, created by politicians who mobilized their regional strongholds, becomes weaker due to the increasing orientation of young voters towards institutions and structures rather than personalities. Another factor mitigating regionalism is the FNE within major party strongholds.
Abstract
Research on localism in the form of the friends and neighbors effect (FNE) over the past 70 years has been focused on Western democracies, but has largely overlooked political contexts in other regions. This article examines the prevalence of the FNE in presidential elections in the Republic of Korea to partially fill this gap. The particular significance of this contextual electoral effect is due to the specific phenomenon of Korean regionalism, largely created by politicians. The results of the study confirm the main assumptions about the importance of geographical proximity between the candidate and the electorate for the spatial distribution of candidate support. Most candidates’ electoral support levels are higher near their birthplaces. Differences in the effect’s expression are observed among urban and provincial, left-wing and all other, major and minor candidates. The gradual decrease in the influence of the effect over time is consistent with the assumption of a link between the FNE and regionalism in Korea. Regionalism, created by politicians who mobilized their regional strongholds, becomes weaker due to the increasing orientation of young voters towards institutions and structures rather than personalities. Another factor mitigating regionalism is the FNE within major party strongholds.
초록
This study aims to identify the Korean translator of the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales (Chaoxian xiandai tonghuaji 朝鮮現代童話集), published in Shanghai, China in 1936. It examines the significance of the collection’s translation in the context of its relationship with teachers at Inseong School and the publication of the World Fairy Tale Series. Drawing on the prefaces of two fairy tale collections translated by Shao Linsheng and newspaper articles, this study concludes that the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales was translated by the Chinese Shao Linsheng and the Korean Jeong Ja-pyeong, the latter a member of the Young Korean Academy (Heungsadan). The composition of the World Fairy Tale Series by Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, and the Chinese-style illustrations of the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales, indicate the potential for cultural transformation, in which Chinese readers living in a colonial context could domesticate Korean fairy tales. Western stories, mistakenly identified as Korean fairy tales, depict the protagonist overcoming crises and seeking freedom. With these stories, the translator wanted to introduce young readers to the ideals of anti-imperialism and liberation. Thus, the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales indicates that Chinese readers harbored political expectations and a desire for appropriating colonial Korea.
Abstract
This study aims to identify the Korean translator of the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales (Chaoxian xiandai tonghuaji 朝鮮現代童話集), published in Shanghai, China in 1936. It examines the significance of the collection’s translation in the context of its relationship with teachers at Inseong School and the publication of the World Fairy Tale Series. Drawing on the prefaces of two fairy tale collections translated by Shao Linsheng and newspaper articles, this study concludes that the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales was translated by the Chinese Shao Linsheng and the Korean Jeong Ja-pyeong, the latter a member of the Young Korean Academy (Heungsadan). The composition of the World Fairy Tale Series by Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, and the Chinese-style illustrations of the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales, indicate the potential for cultural transformation, in which Chinese readers living in a colonial context could domesticate Korean fairy tales. Western stories, mistakenly identified as Korean fairy tales, depict the protagonist overcoming crises and seeking freedom. With these stories, the translator wanted to introduce young readers to the ideals of anti-imperialism and liberation. Thus, the Collection of Modern Korean Fairy Tales indicates that Chinese readers harbored political expectations and a desire for appropriating colonial Korea.
초록
This study investigates the complex historical narrative surrounding the practice of finger severing (danji 斷指) in early Joseon Korea, focusing on its unique origins and widespread dissemination, and the multifaceted discourse it generated among the ruling elite. By tracing finger severing from its emergence during the reign of King Taejong to its proliferation in the 16th century, this research illuminates the interplay between institutional factors, societal customs, and cultural perceptions that shaped its evolution. This study deviates from the conventional approach of explaining Joseon’s cultural edification solely through the intentions and actions of the government and the royal court. Instead, it explores how folk customs were discovered and then intentionally spread by the government, thereby providing a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of Confucianization in Joseon Korea. The dissemination of finger severing highlights the success of the early Joseon ruling class’s proactive policies aimed at cultivating and standardizing ethical practices. However, this study also explores the contradictions within the ruling elite’s discourse surrounding finger severing, as well as the discrepancy between the ruling class’s intentions and the actual motivations driving the civilian populace’s engagement in the practice. The proliferation of finger severing in early Joseon Korea represents both the triumph of the state’s cultural cultivation policies and the unexpected outcomes of the complex interplay of institutional efforts, societal customs, and divergent perceptions.
Abstract
This study investigates the complex historical narrative surrounding the practice of finger severing (danji 斷指) in early Joseon Korea, focusing on its unique origins and widespread dissemination, and the multifaceted discourse it generated among the ruling elite. By tracing finger severing from its emergence during the reign of King Taejong to its proliferation in the 16th century, this research illuminates the interplay between institutional factors, societal customs, and cultural perceptions that shaped its evolution. This study deviates from the conventional approach of explaining Joseon’s cultural edification solely through the intentions and actions of the government and the royal court. Instead, it explores how folk customs were discovered and then intentionally spread by the government, thereby providing a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of Confucianization in Joseon Korea. The dissemination of finger severing highlights the success of the early Joseon ruling class’s proactive policies aimed at cultivating and standardizing ethical practices. However, this study also explores the contradictions within the ruling elite’s discourse surrounding finger severing, as well as the discrepancy between the ruling class’s intentions and the actual motivations driving the civilian populace’s engagement in the practice. The proliferation of finger severing in early Joseon Korea represents both the triumph of the state’s cultural cultivation policies and the unexpected outcomes of the complex interplay of institutional efforts, societal customs, and divergent perceptions.
초록
This paper explores the significance of female representation in Lee Jang-ho’s film adaptation of Choi In-ho’s novel, Byeoldeul-ui gohyang, within the context of 1970s South Korean literature and film. Both the novel and the film gained immense popularity as symbols of emerging youth culture, contributing significantly to the history of Korean popular culture. They played a crucial role in revitalizing the struggling film industry by catalyzing the hostess literature and film boom of the 1970s. However, despite their cultural impact, assessments of the novel and film remain mixed. This study focuses on analyzing the portrayal of the female character, O Gyeong-a, who has been both the source of their popularity and the subject of various criticisms. This paper particularly highlights the innovative elements introduced by director Lee Jang-ho, demonstrating that, contrary to popular and even academic belief that the film objectifies Gyeong-a to the extent of exploitation, it instead effectively problematizes and challenges the prevalent objectification of women in 1970s patriarchal Korean society. Furthermore, this study argues that the film marks a seminal moment in Korean cinema, showcasing the cultural adaptability and vibrancy of Korean visual media.
Abstract
This paper explores the significance of female representation in Lee Jang-ho’s film adaptation of Choi In-ho’s novel, Byeoldeul-ui gohyang, within the context of 1970s South Korean literature and film. Both the novel and the film gained immense popularity as symbols of emerging youth culture, contributing significantly to the history of Korean popular culture. They played a crucial role in revitalizing the struggling film industry by catalyzing the hostess literature and film boom of the 1970s. However, despite their cultural impact, assessments of the novel and film remain mixed. This study focuses on analyzing the portrayal of the female character, O Gyeong-a, who has been both the source of their popularity and the subject of various criticisms. This paper particularly highlights the innovative elements introduced by director Lee Jang-ho, demonstrating that, contrary to popular and even academic belief that the film objectifies Gyeong-a to the extent of exploitation, it instead effectively problematizes and challenges the prevalent objectification of women in 1970s patriarchal Korean society. Furthermore, this study argues that the film marks a seminal moment in Korean cinema, showcasing the cultural adaptability and vibrancy of Korean visual media.
초록
This article examines two different representations of traveling women from popular women’s magazines in 1970s developing South Korea. The two contrasting representations reveal the social construction of women’s autonomy, conventional boundaries, and moral sentiments in an authoritarian society. The Park Chung-hee government sought to regulate and naturalize various obligations for women, cultivating boundaries and moral sentiments according to a developmental compass. This is well represented in the first representation, in images of full-time housewives traveling with their husbands and children in model families. This depiction is compromised by the second imagery— images of leisure women who travel alone or with other women. While chastised by the government, male writers, and the broader society as immoral and dangerous, leisure women illuminate how women drew their own boundaries and attempted to carve their autonomous consumer subjectivity. Together, the two portrayals, among other images, provide a historical explanation for gendered dimensions of moral agency, self-determination, and mobility in developing South Korea.
Abstract
This article examines two different representations of traveling women from popular women’s magazines in 1970s developing South Korea. The two contrasting representations reveal the social construction of women’s autonomy, conventional boundaries, and moral sentiments in an authoritarian society. The Park Chung-hee government sought to regulate and naturalize various obligations for women, cultivating boundaries and moral sentiments according to a developmental compass. This is well represented in the first representation, in images of full-time housewives traveling with their husbands and children in model families. This depiction is compromised by the second imagery— images of leisure women who travel alone or with other women. While chastised by the government, male writers, and the broader society as immoral and dangerous, leisure women illuminate how women drew their own boundaries and attempted to carve their autonomous consumer subjectivity. Together, the two portrayals, among other images, provide a historical explanation for gendered dimensions of moral agency, self-determination, and mobility in developing South Korea.
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