ISSN : 1229-0718
The purpose of this research was to examine the effects of job-related stress and resilience on work-life balance and the influences of age and number of working-hours on this relationship. A sample of 381 male industrial employees, 31-49 years-old, provided their number of working hours per day and completed a self-report questionnaire composed of items on job-related stress, resilience, and work-life balance. Data were analyzed using 2-way-ANOVA and multiple group comparisons based on structural equation modeling. The results demonstrate that the relationship between job-related stress, resilience and work-life balance is rather complex. First, not age- but working hours-related differences were significant: employees with a large number of working hours showed significantly higher levels of job-related stress, but lower levels of resilience and work-life balance. Second, while job-related stress had a negative effect on resilience and work-life balance, resilience had a positive effect on work-life balance. Third, we observed differential effects for employee’s age, but not for working hours regarding the influence of stress and resilience on work-life balance. Job-related stress was more effective in the younger age group (30s), resilience in the older age group (40s).
Upon experiencing failure, others’ expectation for success can backfire and hurt an individual’s performance when stated explicitly. The current study examined the effects of different types of success expectations (trait- vs. effort-based) that influence children’s performance. Across two experiments, 131 five- and six-year-old children completed a novel and challenging drawing task. After experiencing failure, children in the trait-based expectation condition performed worse than did those in the effort-based and no feedback conditions. These findings suggest that the effects of success expectations vary largely depending on the attribution of the expectations. Theoretically, the current study expands research on theory of intelligence by demonstrating that detrimental effects of trait feedback apply to the domain of success expectations. Practically, the current investigation provides an effective way to encourage children after experiencing failure.
Recent studies on cognitive control have integrated motivational factors into the control process. However, how motivation affects cognitive control processes remains unclear. Based on previous findings, we assumed that the intensity of control would change flexibly with the age difference in value system and the ability to allocate cognitive resources depending on reward value would be well-maintained in older age. In this study, we examined this hypothesis by varying the feedback presented to young and older adults in the Eriksen flanker task which presents three different types of feedback: emotional, monetary, and neutral. Each age group showed their best performance in the feedback condition which was the most appealing to them. This result suggests that the level of control engagement is modulated by reward value and there is no age difference in the ability to allocate the optimal amount of the control resource. These findings provide a novel perspective in understanding individual differences in cognitive control.
Differences and relationships between father persona and parenting behaviors were examined according to the gender of Korean college students. Girls’ fathers demonstrated a Vulnerable Child persona and permissive-neglectful parenting behaviors more often than boy’s fathers did. For boy’s fathers, the Playful Child persona was significantly related to warm-accepting parenting behaviors. For girl’s fathers, the Perfectionist persona was related to warm-accepting parenting behaviors. Boy’s fathers with the Critic persona tended to show permissive-neglectful parenting behaviors. Girl’s fathers with the Facer persona tended to demonstrate permissive-neglectful parenting. Fathers with the Power persona tended to show rejection behaviors.
We attempted to investigate whether egocentric biases are common in communicative perspective- taking and whether individual differences in communicative perspective-taking could be attributed to executive function. Twenty six 4-year-old children and 20 college students were tested. The results indicated that both children and adults took their egocentric perspectives at the beginning stage, but adults switched these to another’s perspective very quickly. Therefore egocentric perspective-taking occurred more often in children than in adults. These findings could be interpreted in terms of the dual-process account proposed by Keysar et al. We also explored the relationship between communicative perspective-taking and executive function. The results indicated that individual differences in communicative perspective-taking were correlated with inhibitory control and working memory in both children and adults. However, inhibitory control was the only variable that predicted communicative perspective-taking in children and adults.
Depressed young adults (YAs) show a “negative bias” to pay more attention to and remember negative information, consistent with their current mood. However, emotional information processing by depressed older adults (OAs) is still far from clear. OAs generally show a “positivity effect” in that they are more likely to process positive information than negative information. Then, would depressed OAs show a negative bias even with a positivity effect? This study was conducted to investigate the effect of depressive mood in the emotional information processing of OAs. A total of 51 YAs (age=21.43±1.40; 25 with depression, 26 without) and 51 OAs (age=68.86±2.22; 26 with derpession, 25 without) participated in the study. A computer-administered dot probe task and a recognition test that consisted of neutral or emotionally charged words and faces were administered. Overall, OAs had significantly greater attention and memory biases for positive stimuli than for negative or neutral ones, whereas YAs showed negative biases in attention and memory. However, OAs with depression had a significantly greater attentional bias for negative stimuli. In sum, similar to YAs with depression, OAs with depression demonstrate a negative emotional information processing bias, although affective optimization is a universal characteristic in OAs.
This study focused on examining the relationships between maternal overprotection, separation-individuation, and psychological adaptation in adolescents and the relationships between maternal separation anxiety, overprotection toward their adolescent child, and maternal psychological adaptation by analyzing data from 201 pairs of middle-aged mothers and their adolescent children who live in Busan. There was a strong positive correlation between maternal separation anxiety and overprotection toward their adolescent child. Maternal separation anxiety and overprotection were negatively correlated with psychological adaptation. As expected, maternal overprotection was negatively correlated with their adolescent child’s separation-individuation. A bootstrap analysis indicated, that maternal overprotection had a negative effect on separation-individuation in their adolescent children and, in turn, children’s separation-individuation had negative effects on adolescent children’s subjective and psychological adaptation, but a positive effect on children’s depression. Maternal overprotection had a negative effect on mothers’ psychological adaptation. The need to reexamine the ambivalent role of maternal overprotection in Korean was discussed.
Disfluencies, such as filled pauses, signal listeners that the speaker is hesitant or is about to refer to a novel entity not mentioned in prior discourse. Prior research demonstrated that 3-year-olds can detect hesitation from a filled pause inserted in speech and infer speakers’-true state of mind using such disfluencies. The present study examined whether this ability emerges earlier than age 3, considering the early abilities of inferring referential intent observed among English 2-year-olds. We presented two animal puppets who responded differently to a toy offer by the experimenter: one answered with hesitation marker “uh” while the other answered fluently without hesitation. Then the children were asked to give the toy to one of the two animals. Overall results showed that 2-year-olds selected the animals who answered without hesitation as the recipient of the offered item. However, only the girls’ selection of the correct animal reached statistical significance, showing a similar pattern to the one reported with 3-year-olds. These results suggest that the ability to detect and use disfluency in inferring others’ state of mind begin to develop around two years of age.
Disfluencies, such as filled pauses, signal listeners that the speaker is hesitant or is about to refer to a novel entity not mentioned in prior discourse. Prior research demonstrated that 3-year-olds can detect hesitation from a filled pause inserted in speech and infer speakers'-true state of mind using such disfluencies. The present study examined whether this ability emerges earlier than age 3, considering the early abilities of inferring referential intent observed among English 2-year-olds. We presented two animal puppets who responded differently to a toy offer by the experimenter: one answered with hesitation marker "uh" while the other answered fluently without hesitation. Then the children were asked to give the toy to one of the two animals. Overall results showed that 2-year-olds selected the animals who answered without hesitation as the recipient of the offered item. However, only the girls' selection of the correct animal reached statistical significance, showing a similar pattern to the one reported with 3-year-olds. These results suggest that the ability to detect and use disfluency in inferring others' state of mind begin to develop around two years of age.