ISSN : 1225-6706
This research began with the thought that not only political-economic approach but also ideological approach is needed to have a deep understanding about the development model of contemporary China. High Modernism has distinctive features like ‘state-driven social engineering project, belief in scientific-technological knowledge of experts, all-out mobilization, mixture of passion and coercion’. The construction of Sanxia Dam was firstly conceived by Sun Wen in the early 20th century, but the actual construction was conducted with the start of the reform era. Documentary 「Big Three Gorges」 was broadcast in 2010, when Hu Jintao government had to come up with new development model and its ideology to cope with the challenges to threaten the stability of the regime, because the existing development model already revealed its limitations. ‘Harmonious Society’ and ‘Scientific Outlook on Development’ which is the ideology of Hu Jintao era, is reflected in the documentary 「Big Three Gorges」, and has the feature of High Modernism. The notice should be taken care of the possibility of the emergence of new type High Modernism in social management of China due to the rapid development of information-communication technology.
This paper tries to examine how the 4 major rivers are produced and consumed as ‘green-growth landscape’ through analyzing the publicity videos produced by the government and the criticism. By focusing on the ideological characteristics of landscape, and the function of ‘government’, this paper paid attention to how the landscape of the river made as a ‘state-nature’ imbues the green growth strategy to the public. As a result of analyzing the videos made by the government and the videos criticizing and refuting them, it was estimated that the influence of the government promotional videos did not appear much in terms of water quality improvement. But, in terms of water quality, dimension and leisure, there has been considerable influence. However, the conflict over the 4 major rivers has not yet been completed, so it is likely to continue.
This study explores the production process of the Han River as part of the accumulation and hegemony project in the developmental urbanization in South Korea. The production process of the Han River is accompanied by various nonhuman actors which beyond ‘State-ized Nature’. First of all, the state constantly embodies the strategies to rendering to resources the Han River. This is the process of state-ization of the Han River with the aim of development of Yeoui-do and Gangnam along with the ‘overcoming nature’ such as overcoming high river bed factor and flood control. In addition, the estuaries and upstream of the Han River form an invisible form of border with North Korea. For that reason, South Korea’s developmental state set up various physical and social boundaries in preparation for North Korea’s water offensive. State that have looked at the Han River as a resource and border, have been deploying various non-humans in the Han River since the 1960s called “Han River Comprehensive Development Plan” This mega river development plan started for preparing 1986 Asian Games and 1988 Seoul Olympics. However, various nonhuman agents deployed by the state have brought unintended consequences in the 1990s. In particular, along with the process of deteriorating water quality, the emergence of Janghang wetland has brought the necessities of new form of urban planning and institutional strategies to the developmental state. Therefore, this study reveals that the production process of the Han River is not merely a process of state plans and intentions, but a process that has been formed in a hybrid form through the manifestation of the nonhuman actors. Especially, by analyzing the relationship between the Han River and the State which is recently requested to be readjusted. The Han River is viewed as merely adjusted by human actors and its intention. But here, I suggests the possibility of theoretical and methodological implication of re-interpret the production of Han River as human-nonhuman and state-nature’s intertwined process. Co-constitution of human-nonhuman actors in the urban space ultimately, show us the alternative possibilities of post-developmentalism.
This paper is to reconceptualize spatial justice and the alienated city in order to deal with problems of socio-spatial injustice which have got worse increasingly in the process of neoliberalization. It first looks into empirical cases on social and spatial injustice in Korea on the one hand, and conceptual clues to see injustice problems inherent in neoliberal capitalism on the other, and then discusses recent studies on spatial justice, reconsidering the concept of space and that of justice, and pointing out some of their limitations. The second half of the paper tries to reconceptualize spatial justice on the basis of Lefebvre’s theory of moment and alienation/dealienation dialectics. And finally it introduces a new theoretical clue on alienation which has been suggested by Harvey in his concept of ‘universal alienation’ and in his reinterpretation of Marx’s Grundrisse; that is, alienation at the moment of realization of value in capital circulation, and emphasizes the right to the dealienated city for politics of spatial justice in contemporary cities.
While US-North Korea talks are stalled after the Hanoi Summit in February 2019, we are recently witnessing the easing of tension and opposition in the Korean peninsula. In particular, the promotion of peace and cooperation through inter- Korean and U.S.-North Korea meetings leads to a heightened expectation for changes in the border of the Korean peninsula as a frontline of conflict. While the border between the two Korean still serves as a barrier to interrupt free movement and cooperation, the recent literature stresses border and boundary as a place where various spatialities contest one another beyond a fixed view on territoriality. This so-called post-territorialist view has built on a new epistemology to note the complexity and multilayeredness of territory as well as the porosity of border. Existing border policies on the Korean peninsula can be considered as an attempt to ‘defer’ the modern territoriality to a limited extent under the goal of national unification. The recent geopolitical shifts in the Korean peninsula and consequent border policies demonstrate a momentous attempt to overcome this modern territoriality. Nevertheless, to go beyond the geopolitical condition structured by national security and territorial logics cannot be realized at the local scale through border policies, but it should be approached in the context of geopolitical debordering at the multiple scales around the Korean peninsula.