Space and Environment
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- P-ISSN1225-6706
- E-ISSN2733-4295
- KCI
ISSN : 1225-6706
Vol.29 No.2
Abstract
This ethnographic research paper examines the history of anti-gentrification efforts connected to Okbaraji Alley, an area in front of the Seo-Daemun Prison. Built in the Japanese colonial era, the area evidences a Feminist Insurgent Planning framework. This framework was based on feminist epistemology and it criticized other anti-gentrification movements as male-centric. The author analyzes the following aspects of the Okbaraji anti-gentrification movement: 1) From the speaker to the listener: therapeutic urban planning, 2) Reflection on instrumental rationalism, 3) The demand of the “right to the city”, 4) Reflection on governance and participation, 5) Feministic activism tactics, 6) Making a space of hospitality against cultural imperialism, 7) The revival of urban history. In scholarship on urban resistance movements in South Korea there is a lack of attention to female activism and research. This essay thus reminds of the importance of considering feminist perspectives in this area.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to extend the space of social reproduction of female marital migrants who are Multicultural Instructors or students of the Multicultural Instructors Vocational Programs by using the concept of precarity. The women’s experiences are predicated on crafting a felicitous but fictitious work-family balance based on a cost-benefit calculus, but differences between expectations and actual practices produce their precarity. I analyze the ways in which the governance of the women that asks them to be social reproductive labor workers at their homes is slipped over, so the women decide to be income earners beyond their homes. First, despite female marital migrants’ desire to be engaged in professional and high-wage work, they voluntarily choose insecure, low-paid, and temporary work positions due to social reproductive work at their homes. Second, their labor beyond their homes enables these women to exercise their abilities and avoid others’ disrespect, but also gives them a more vulnerable status; the women’s reproduction activities at their homes cannot help but force them to choose flexible occupations, which in turn entrenches them on the margins of Korean society. Based on these results, I argue that social reproduction of female marital migrants is situated in the continuum from wife to worker experiencing various precarities, and that the women are situated in a marginalized social position in Korean society.
Abstract
This study suggests the concept of ‘urban diversity regime’, analyzing queer festivals of non-capital cities in the Korean context. Conducting participant observation, in-depth/informal interviews, and archival data, this study catches the following results from the case of Dague, Jeju, and Busan. First, queer festivals of three cities arise as a political agenda through two main steps: uniting of local human resource and acquiring citizenship from local civil society. As the queer festival is a newly emerged activism in local areas except for Seoul, organizers integrate collective emotion within the progressive local civil community. Second, as a political project for urban diversity, queer festivals call for cooperation between civil and public actors. The cooperation is mainly built upon ‘the right for occupying public space’, which is a requisite for ‘the legitimate festival’. Since local government and police own exclusive power to approve accessibility to public space, governmental actors are inevitably involved in the political project. This study seeks to explore the power relationship in local queer festivals, which is rapidly spreading in recent, and to expand the regime approach to political participation and identity politics of minorities and localization of queer festivals.
Abstract
이 글은 도시 커먼즈 운동의 특성과 동학을 시론적으로 살펴보고자 한다. 오늘날 도시 커먼즈 운동은 투기적 도시화에 대한 저항과 그에 따른 사회경제적 양극화 및 불평등을 해결하기 위한 사회운동의 한 영역으로 우리 사회에 퍼지고 있다. 따라서 이 운동이 사회운동에 기여하기 위한 체계적인 이론화의 필요성이 높아지고 있다. 우선 이 글은 역사적으로 인클로저 과정을 통해 커먼즈의 부정으로 등장하는 사적 소유권과 국가의 관계에 대한 정치이념적 기원을 살피기 위해 John Locke가 주장하는 ‘소유권’과 ‘시민 정부’의 관계를 살피면서 시작한다. 이 글은도시 커먼즈 운동이 투기적 도시화와 사적 소유권의 특권화의 희생자인 여러 사회적 약자들의 회복을 위한 새로운 권리 담론과 결합하고, 다른 한편으로 ‘자연상태’의 새로운 가능성이라 할 수 있는 새로운 권리 담론들의 ‘헤테로토피아’를 공동창조해 가면서, 민주주의의 경계를 급진적으로 확장해 가는 민주주의 운동의동학을 가지고 있음을 주장한다.
Abstract
East Asian countries have followed the development process of a ‘developmental state’ characterized by economic growth through strong state policies and market intervention by the state. In this process, the city has grown in a compact way with a focus on the function and efficiency of space, and the problem of social inclusion has not been dealt with at the city level. However, it is expected that the specific aspects will be different due to the difference of development path of post-developmental state. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the limitations and characteristics of urban inclusivity faced by large cities in East Asia are related to the stage and characteristics of post-developmental states. For this purpose, urban inclusivity is divided into four dimensions: capability building, interdependence, participation, and spatial openness, and empirical analysis is conducted on 36 metropolitan cities in East Asia including South Korea, China, Japan, and Taiwan. The analysis results show that urban inclusion patterns are different according to developmental stages and characteristics. First, cities in the phase of post-developmental state such as Korea have high level of inclusivity in the dimensions of capability building and participation. Second, spatial openness is lower in China, where the state is in the middle of the developmental process, than in post-developmental states such as Korea and Japan. Within a country, it is low in cities with high levels of development. Finally, even if the system is moving to post-developmentalism, if the crisis of national security and internal conflicts occur, the urban inclusivity in the dimension of interdependence can be reduced. These results provide important implications for understanding the causes of social exclusion in East Asian cities in relation to ‘(post-) developmental state’, a key feature of urbanization in the region, and how they have influenced urban inclusivity.
Abstract
이 글은 신산업 또는 새로운 발전경로(path creation)는 어떻게 발생하고 다각화해 나가는가, 이 역량은 지역별로 왜 다르고 신경로를 창출하기 위해서는 어떤전략이 필요한 것인가를 최근의 진화 경제지리학(Evolutionary Economic Geography) 의 성과를 통해 검토하고 그 시사점을 논의한다. 새로운 산업은 지역 내기술 관련성과 산업의 연관 다양성이 클수록 발생하기 쉽다. 그러나 연관 다각화가 지역 신산업 창출의 유일한 길은 아니다. 덴마크 풍력산업의 사례나 미국의실리콘 밸리 등 현실 세계에는 많은 비관련 다각화의 사례가 존재하기 때문이다. 특히 비관련 다각화는 장기적 지역발전과 새로운 경로의 창출에 기여한다. 이런점에서 우리나라 지역산업 혁신 정책은 클러스터론을 넘어 신산업 창출의 진화경제지리학의 성과를 적극 수용할 필요가 있다. 기존에는 승자선택(picking winner) 식 전략산업 육성 정책을 추구했으나 지금은 관련 부문 간의 연계와 비관련 부문간 지식의 재조합을 지원하는 혁신정책이 필요하다.
Abstract
미세먼지 저감을 위한 경유차 운행 축소 방안으로 경유세 인상이 거론되고 있다. 하지만 경유세 인상에 대한 사회적 저항이 거세기 때문에 경유 상대가격을 높이는 조치를 취하는 것이 쉽지 않은 상황이다. 특히 사업용 경유화물차는 경유세가 인상되더라도 인상액 만큼 유가보조금을 지급받을 수 있고 이해관계자들이 가장 조직적으로 저항할 가능성이 높기 때문에 논란의 중심에 서 있다. 그러나이해관계자들의 입장을 분석한 연구가 부족한 탓에 유가보조금 제도를 개편할 수있는 정치사회적 조건과 전환 관리 방향에 대한 논의는 거의 이뤄지지 않고 있다. 이 연구는 유가보조금 제도 개편을 둘러싼 이해관계자들의 갈등 구도를 분석하고 유가보조금 축소·폐지를 위한 전환 관리의 방향을 모색하는 것을 목표로 한다. 심층면접 결과, 경유화물차 미세먼지 대책의 실효성, 경유세 인상의 필요성, 친환경 화물차로의 대체 가능성, 물류비용 현실화가 이해관계자들 간의 주요 갈등 쟁점으로 확인되었다. 이와 같은 연구 결과로 볼 때, 유가보조금 제도 개편이 추진될 경우 이해관계자들은 경유화물차의 책임 수준과 정부의 대응 정책 평가, 경유세 인상과 유가보조금 제도 개편 방안을 놓고 대립할 것으로 예상된다. 하지만 유가보조금 제도 개편을 둘러싼 갈등 구도는 미세먼지 피해에 대한 인식, 경유차대책, 물류비용 분담 방식에 따라 변할 수 있다. 유가보조금 제도 사례는 전환장의 형성을 위해 권력과 자원의 재분배를 통한 이해관계의 재조직화가 필요함을 시사한다. 전환 관리는 전략적 틈새 관리를 넘어선 갈등의 재조직화로 확장되어야 한다.
Abstract
This study examines core features of the ‘homeland investment’ of ethnic Korean entrepreneurs and responses of the Korean society. It is well-known that the postcolonial linkage of the Korean economy with Japanese capitalism was a major factor for the start of Korea’s export-led industrialization in the 1960s, in which process ethnic Korean entrepreneurs in Japan played a central role. This paper selects three major investment projects of ethnic Koreans in Japan in 1960s and analyses specific motivations, strategies and varied outcomes of the model cases: Fist one is Korea export industrial complex or so-called ‘Guro industrial complex’ located in Seoul-Incheon Industrial Region, and second one is Masan industrial complex located in Southeastern Maritime Industrial Region. Third one is Gumi industrial complex located in Gyeonsangbukdo province. These three different examples of the historical makings of industrial complexes can be contrasted sharply in terms of the process of the mobilization of the ‘homeland investment’ of ethnic Korean entrepreneurs and the relationships among the ethnic Korean entrepreneurs, local society and central government. Based on the comparative analysis of these three cases, this study reveals not only the motivations and strategies of homeland investment by ethnic Korean entrepreneurs but addresses the socio-cultural results and impacts of the ‘homeland investment’ of ethnic Korean entrepreneurs on Korean society of the 1960s.