Space and Environment
- P-ISSN1225-6706
- E-ISSN2733-4295
- KCI
ISSN : 1225-6706
Vol.29 No.4
Abstract
Despite the good intention, there are many side effects in the process of artificially disconnecting the continuous urban and rural areas with land ownership system. In this sense, this paper compared China and North Korea’s strategies to overcome dual land ownership structure. Specifically, this paper analyzed: the changes of rural land systems in China and North Korea, and the differences in coping strategies for overcoming the dual land ownership structure, and finally the causes of the differences of strategies. First, comparing the changes in the rural land system between China and North Korea, the two countries had similar direction of starting with the individual land ownership and going out to collective ownership. But the important difference was that China maintained collective ownership and proceeded with a strategy of both protecting the property rights of each household and implementing urban-rural integration development, while North Korea implemented a Responsible Farmland System under the management of small group, and is going to the nationalization of collective farmland. The core of China’s coping strategy is a ‘complementary’ approach, and the core of North Korea’s coping strategy is a ‘disassembly’ approach. This paper derived the reasons of the differences: first, the difference of contribution of farmers to the establishment of revolutionary regimes, second, the difference in urban development strategies and side effects, and finally the difference in approaches to dual land ownership criteria as ‘space’ versus ‘owner’. Now the North Korea’s remaining task is to what level Responsible Farmland System will be changed to protect farmers’ private property rights when the government has secured all the control over rural land. And another task is that, on this basis, the government will reform the agricultural cooperatives and use them as a strategy for developing rural areas or not.
Abstract
The Economic Development Zone(EDZ) represents North Korea’s policy for attracting foreign investment in the era of Kim Jong-Un. The EDZs are being pursued with a different strategy from that of the North Korean the existing Special Economic Zones(SEZs). The EDZs are relatively small in size, much more in number than SEZs, and are designated all over the country including Pyongyang. The strategy of EDZs suggests various infrastructure development methods, including private investment projects, joint ventures, and North Korea’s own infrastructure development etc., and emphasizes linkage with external regions. This study examined the possibility of North Korea’s EDZs on the basis of the success conditions of SEZs presented in the research results of international organizations such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. SEZs are should be successful in attracting foreign investment and promoting economic development, and function as experiment sites for alternative development. According to the review, North Korea’s EDZs strategy seems to be relatively good in terms of institutional improvement, high quality infrastructure, technology and manpower training, linkage with external economy, and environmental sustainability. In terms of active use of inexpensive labor force, active but limited role of the governmental authorities, social sustainability and sustainable land system, there are positive aspects but there are some that need to be supplemented also. As for the reform of the economic system, North Korea’s strategy clearly shows a negative position on the overall reform of the economic system. This study is meaningful in that it identifies the characteristics of North Korea’s EDZ strategy through North Korea’s literatures and attempted a tentative but specific evaluation through comparison with reports of international organizations.
Abstract
In this paper, I attempt to explore the fruitfulness of social network service (SNS) as a new research methodology for studying North Korean cities. Under continuing military and political tensions between North and South Korea, it has been very difficult for South Korean researchers to access to North Korean materials. Despite its constraints, they have attempted to improve research methodology by focusing on literature materials, interview materials, and visual images, etc. Acknowledging the problem orientation of predecessors, I try to consider the powerful function of Instagram as a mobile photo-sharing and video-sharing site. Through an empirical, but explorative study, I suggest that Instagram should be explored in a wider context in that it includes the multiple realities of the current North Korean cities.
Abstract
This research understands public space as ‘a fluid state’ emerged throughout the continual interactions between society and the built environment. Based on this, an empirical research method of Actor-Network Theory is suggested which examines how the physical/non-physical social actors are projected and produce multiple user activities constantly in public space. The case studies were conducted with two public spaces – Fortune Street Park and Kingston Ancient Market Place – in London where the data were gathered by observations, interviews, and questionnaires. Based on the findings, this research argues that public space can be conceptualized as collective networks and that this actor-network approach is an effective tool in designing and decision-making process.
Abstract
This study attempts to examine how major social forces try to respond to the urban crisis in Pohang, a leading industrial city of Korea from the perspective of urban politics. For this, I will theoretically reconstruct the conceptual framework of ‘politics of urban crisis’ in contrast to that of ‘politics of urban growth’ and explore how the main interest groups should construct the crisis-response regime and pursue the urban revitalization. The results of this study are summarized as follows: Pohang has grown as a typical corporate-dominating city since the establishment of POSCO. But after the second half of 1990s the change of its political and economic environments brought the low-level crisis to Pohang, which means that the growth of the POSCO and the city was retarded. The main social forces took preemptive countermeasures to this weak crisis in order to prevent its expansion in advance. But the crisis response is not based on the social integration and solidarity among them. On the one hand, POSCO sought ‘politics of urban growth’ to stabilize the previous growth strategy focusing on strengthening the steel industry. And on the other hand, local government pursued ‘politics of urban crisis’, which means that local government tried to form the crisis-response regime among government, corporation and research group and escape from the urban crisis by means of de-industrialization strategy. These troubles among social forces and rivalries over crisis-response strategies are getting in the way of overcoming the urban crisis and realizing the alternatives of urban revitalization.
Abstract
This examines the ways in which diverse people construct the identity of two small public libraries located in Wongok-dong, where the 70% residents are consisted of foreign migrant workers, international bribes and refugees and so other immigrants. Immigrants as the users of libraries make these libraries as their ‘own’ spaces, where they can promote their capacities to make successful lives in South Korea. However local administrators construct these libraries politically and strategically as the tourism attractions to boast about the successful welfare service for supporting immigrants. They consider these libraries as ‘welfare centers’ for supporting only immigrants and multicultural library services are also considered only as organizing and practicing programs for immigrants. Ultimately this paper proposes the contradiction of multicultural phenomena in South Korea, which these libraries are easily constructed as ‘welfare support center,’ not as the specialized social institution.
Abstract
This study aims to criticize the dominant vision in our society that a smart city will serve as a new growth engine and facilitate democracy in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. In particular, we question the existing discourses that smart cities will create a transparent governance system and substantially realize democracy in urban society, and pay attention to negative political impacts. For this, we review the western literature on smart city governance and democracy, and identify three problems in terms of smart city governance: consolidation of urban entrepreneurialism, expansion of technocracy, and routinization of digital surveillance. In addition, we examine China’s smart city policies as a case to specifically reveal these problems and claim that the expansion of smart cities will not lead to the enhancement of efficiency, convenience, sustainability and civil participation in politics but become a new threat to democracy. The critical examination of the Chinese case will provide us with a meaningful opportunity for reflection upon our reality to prioritize and privilege smart cities and promise a variety of benefits and support.