Space and Environment
- P-ISSN1225-6706
- E-ISSN2733-4295
- KCI
ISSN : 1225-6706
Vol.27 No.4
Abstract
This study introduces the concepts of governmobility and navigation to the conversation on precarity. This research analyzes the effects precarity has on the precariat while considering spatial strategies, mobilities, and interactive responses to precarity. By opening a discussion on the nature of contemporary societies, the study sees how people deemed to be the precariat work within the current social structure. Previous studies have treated mobilities as a given and not paid enough attention to the interactive dynamics of those mobilities on the precariat. Focusing on the governing and survival strategies of transnational migrants as an articulated example of the precariat, this research puts forth two arguments. First, mobilities of capital and population are complicated combinations of governmobilities, survival strategies, mobilization, and voluntary decisions. Governmobility refers to governing through mobilities, but it also constitutes the spatial strategy of the society and the nation state to manage global precarity. Second, migrants navigate the precarious and shifting social structure by developing social strategies including repeated mobilities and place-making.
Abstract
This paper aims to critically review the Precariat theory and theorize the precarization of the socially disadvantaged in the city, and to confirm its validity by applying this conceptual framework to an analysis of Korean cities. I theoretically argue that the concept of ‘exclusion’ is at the heart of explaining the precarization in the relations of consumption and reproduction, which remains blank in the theory of Precariat. An analysis of interview data from activists of NGOs representing the socially weak corroborates that social exclusion and spatial exclusion indeed increase their precarity. In the social dimension, the lives of the weak are becoming more precarious due to the lack of participation and the lack of interdependent social relations. In the spatial dimension, urban development and redevelopment process involving the commodification of space leads to the rise of land rent, residential segregation, and reduction of public space, thereby precarizing the lives of the weak. In a nutshell, exclusion leads to the precarization of the socially weak, thereby creating the objective condition of the Precariat. However, exclusion also has the role of hindering the formation of class consciousness by weakening the willingness to participate in community activities and solidarity of the socially weak. This suggests that the overcoming of exclusion is a prerequisite for overcoming the precarity of the weak and for promoting the solidarity and cooperation of this group.
Abstract
This paper debates on housing for the urban poor as precarious space precarious space which is an expanded concept from precarious class. Precarity in a geographical perspective can be understood as risk, vulnerability, insecurity and uncertainty(Waite 2009). Precarious space does not emphasise the physical risk per se, but includes vulnerable space shaped by social and institutional contexts and, moreover, the place in which the resident’s life becomes insecure and uncertain. With exploring two cases, an affordable housing in Euijungbu and a public housing in London, this paper explains the process of forming precarious space in the socio-economic context influenced by neoliberalism and highlights that the fire in both sites did not unexpectedly happen, but was predictable disasters. Housing for poor people has shaped vulnerable space in the process of affordable housing provision and/or remodelling them. The disaster damage directly affects the residents, which is acknowledged as personal misfortunes. Comparing the confrontation strategies for precarious space recognized after the outbreak of fire in London and Euijungbu, this paper shows that uncertain and insecure life of unfortunate residents can vary according to the strategies. By analyzing both cases, this paper suggests that housing for the poor needs to be considered for the right to life, not for cost reduction.
Abstract
Young single adults in Korea recently have faced extended transitional period due to longer education, higher housing price, and gloomy outlook of job market situation. During last three decades, one-person households have increased from less than 10% of share to the most prevalent group, which leads to huge impact on housing demand and policy. However, due to the fact that housing policy in Korea has been focused on the massive production of new apartment, households with dependents, and owner-occupation, single person household and young people have hardly regarded as the priority target group to be considered but rather excluded from the policy consideration, even though it is not intended to. Moreover, housing price is not affordable for young single adults and private rental market requires heavy deposit and monthly rent for young generation including college students, newly graduate, or newly-weds. Considering low level of stable job opportunity, high housing cost, unstable tenure, and housing illiteracy, the author asserts young single adults should be regarded as one of the precarious groups in housing policy area. This study defines young single adults in Korea as a new emerging housing precariat, explores their characteristics, and depicts precarious housing situation in the process of searching, contracting, residing and moving forward. Results unfold that young single adults, in particular living in Seoul, face housing hardship in entering housing market to mobilize both heavy deposit and monthly rent due to their weak financial ability and instable job conditions. Lack of education and awareness of rental contract practice put them in dangerous and precarious situation when they search dwelling units and make lease contract. Young people also experience unfair treatment from the property owners and real estate agents due to their age and lack of knowledge. High cost of living in private rental markets and unaffordable housing price drive young people in disappointment, resulting in serious negative impact on future life decision. Finally, inclusive policy should be put in place for young single to provide more affordable housing, improve housing conditions, enhance residential stability, and provide soft services and education.
Abstract
2016년 원불교는 총 규모 1,198kW의 상업용과 자가소비용 햇빛발전소 100개를 전국에 설치 완료했다. 이 연구의 목적은 원불교가 어떻게 햇빛발전소 100개를 설치했는지 그 추진 과정과 확산 요인을 살펴봄으로써 첫째, 환경 문제, 특히기후변화 대응에서 종교가 의미 있는 역할을 할 수 있음을 보여주고, 둘째, 원불교를 넘어 타 종교, 나아가 우리 사회 전체로 에너지전환을 확산해 나가는 데 시사점을 주기 위해서다. 이 연구는 질적 단일사례 연구로 서울의 원불교 교당과둥근햇빛발전협동조합 이해관계자들을 대상으로 반구조화 심층 면접을 진행했으며, 근거이론을 이용해 수집자료를 분석하였다. 개방코딩을 통해 13개의 범주와33개의 하위범주, 158개의 개념으로 나눌 수 있었다. 축 코딩으로 근거이론의 패러다임에 의한 원불교 100개 햇빛발전소 설치 모형을 도출했다. 선택 코딩을 통해 이 사례를 아우르는 중심적인 핵심범주로 천지은이라는 ‘교리를 바탕으로 원불교의 조합 방식을 통한 햇빛발전소 설치 과정’이 설정되었다. 원불교가 선택한전략은 협동조합을 중심으로 햇빛발전소를 소규모로 여러 곳에 많이 설치하는 방식이었다. 모든 종교에는 생명존중의 교리가 공통으로 존재하기 때문에 다른 종교도 이를 활용해 적절한 방식으로 에너지전환을 추진할 수 있을 것이다. 이 연구는 그동안 잘 다루어지지 않았던 사회적 영역인 종교의 에너지전환 실천 사례를 살펴보고, 다른 종교와 사회로의 확산 가능성을 제시했다는 데 의의가 있다. 이후 국내 다른 종교들이 재생가능에너지 이용 확대를 위해 어떻게 행위하는지비교한다면 종교계의 에너지전환에 대해 더욱 폭넓게 이해할 수 있을 것이다.
Abstract
This research evaluates Korean and international major cities using sustainability indicators which are commonly used to measure cities’ sustainable performance. 45 indicators are selected by reviewing existing indicators and are categorized to 17 items under environmental, social, and economic sector. Longitudinal annual assessment for 2006 to 2012 has been conducted for Korean 7 major cities. During assessment period, indices in economic sector are lowered in 2008 and 2009 due to global financial crisis and slightly improved after 2010. Indices in social sector are found to be gradually increasing, which attribute to the sharp increase in education indices value. Environmental sector indices were showing irregular fluctuating pattern due to problems found in waste management index measurement. Another analysis comparing sustainability index between cities in developed countries, developing countries, and Korea was also carried out. Overall sustainability indices between cities in developed countries and Korea showed little difference, index for cities in developing countries was lower. Korean cities scored lower in atmosphere, green space, politics, growth indices and scored higher in poverty, communication, employment than cities in developed countries. But data used for Korean cities in calculating poverty and employment indices has some problem.
Abstract
This study examines a series of state’s spatial projects centered in Seoul in the early 1960s, when Korean developmentalist state came in. While enhancing Seoul’s legal status, that time’s government expanded the scale of city of Seoul and established a regional scale of Seoul Capital Area combining Seoul and its satellite cities (combined Seoul and its satellite cities into Seoul Capital Area). Such project composed a part of territorialization that the state (sovereign) power ought to do and at the same time, a process that spatially express the strategic selection of that time’s political regime. This article aims to offer an explanation on a critical part of developmental state’s spatiality by historically examining major decision-making processes since the Korean War, which has been limitedly address as unofficial history. Also, by analytically identifying political issues that were entangled with the capital region in 1960s, this article argues that the state spatial processes can not only mobilize urban political resources, but also create urban developmental discourses.