Space and Environment
- P-ISSN1225-6706
- E-ISSN2733-4295
- KCI
ISSN : 1225-6706
Vol.30 No.1
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This paper is to consider two fundamental problems in terms of the Anthropocene and ‘green transformation’, that is, limitation of the dualism of society and nature inherent in the Western modernity, and problems of capitalist society-nature in rapid industrialization and urbanization, looking on global ecological crisis in a coupling process of the socio-economic system and the earth system, and to discuss both alternative epistemology of society-nature and important socio-ecological issues for green transformation. For these aims, this paper suggests first of all that what would be called as ‘green transformation’ is necessary to generate the Anthropocene in a true sense, while dealing with some characteristics of global ecological crisis in terms of the ‘planetary boundary’. As the green transformation for the Anthropocene requires substantial change of human consciousness and social structure which have promoted global ecological crisis, limitations of the society/nature dualism and a new epistemology to overcome it is discussed, a socio-ecological contradiction of capitalist economic system pursuing unlimited growth is explained, and finally some tasks for green transformation of each aspect of society are listed.
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to empirically analyze the development of the environmental state, focusing on OECD and European countries, to present the vision of the 3rd generation environmental state for green transition. If the 1st generation environmental state is defined as a state that effectively functions to reduce visible environmental pollutants by establishing environmental standards, environmental laws, institutions, organizations, etc. in the 1970s and 1980s, then the 2nd generation environmental state is a state which has responded to climate change through decarbonization policies such as carbon dioxide reduction and renewable energy expansion since the 1990s. Most European countries, which form the leading group of the 2nd generation environmental state, adopt the consensus democracy based on proportional representation election and the corporatism model. However, Europe’s environmental welfare state model still has high ecological footprints, revealing fundamental limitations in responding to ecological crises. In addition, spatio-temporal asymmetry occurs between the carbon dioxide emissions and the victims of climate change, making it difficult for the international community to cooperate in climate change. In this sense, I present the vision of the 3rd generation environmental state for green transformation with the concept of ‘double decommodification’ and ‘enlarged responsibility’ for climate change.
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This paper regards that South Korea as developmental state has achieved splendid success in terms of economic growth while experiencing serious social and environmental damage. Facing of new challenges, such as climate emergency, it argues that South Korean society must adopt “green transition policies”. It reviews several papers and books related ‘green state’ and ‘ecological welfare state’ discourses. And, comprehensive transition framework which merges various transition theories is adopted for implementation process of green transition policies. Based on such review, it suggests that ‘green transition’ should be based on the ideology of ‘ecological democracy’. And, as a result of evaluation of South Korean society where neo-liberalism prevails, the sustainability which can be understood as ‘equal relationship’ within-and-between generations and human and non-human beings has been seriously degraded. Therefore, it suggests ‘green transition policies’ to enhance sustainability as followings; green new deal, basic income, political system change for future generation, enhancing commonality of land, development within carrying capacity, and to overcome urban bias in development paradigm. And implementation processes for green transition policies are also suggested.
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Inspired by the concept of Henry Lefebvre’s urban society, I attempt to conceptualize the Korean Peninsula energy transition as a desirable future, not an expected future. The current debate on urban energy transition has tended to downplay the spatial interrelationship between the city and the non-city where resource extraction sites, power plants and power cables are placed for the growth of the city. Alternatively, by emphasizing urbanizing urban energy transition sensitive to the critical role of the non-city area in the historical process of urbanization, it promotes the future wave of the urban energy transition. I expect that the new sociological and geographical imagination that sees the Korean Peninsula as an urban will make a crack on Korea’s static division system and its resultant top-down governance for a successful transition. As a concrete strategy, I suggest keeping North Korea’s fossil fuels in the ground under the logic of urban commoning.
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The discourses of energy transition and energy cooperation in Korea are not fused together. Energy transition focuses on the relationship between the central and the local at the national level, while energy cooperation remains the traditional energy security. In this situation, North Korea and the Korean Peninsula remain empty for energy transition. The energy transition of the Korean peninsula means a space of engagement formed by crossing energy systems beyond the meeting of the South Korean energy system and the North Korean energy system. Designing energy transition scenarios is the normative exploration of the desired future. Through the reflux process that preliminarily envisions and reinterprets the energy transition scenarios of the Korean peninsula, it is possible to anticipate the double opportunity of positives and negatives that will occur during the transition process and to draw related issues. This will allow us to reflect on the discourse on the Korean Peninsula Energy Community.
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This article aims to analyze Korea’s energy system from a multi-level perspective(MLP) and explore various transition pathways. First of all, this paper provides an overview of transtion studies and the geography of transition, and examines the ‘socio-technical Scenario’ methodology and the scenario of Dutch energy transition to explore the various pathways. After analyzing Korea’s energy system through the MLP of landscape, regime and niche, I will develop and discuss three transition pathways for energy transition in Korea: centralized and gradual pathway, energy decentralization and independence pathway, and Northeast Asia Super Grid pathway. Each of these transition pathways represents a national, regional and international scale. This pointed out that the current discourse on energy conversion in Korea is confined to the national scale, and competition between the various scales and its analysis and discussion will help to increase the possibility of achieving energy transition.
Abstract
이 논문은 정의로운 전환의 시각에서 한국 정부가 제안하고 있는 동북아 수퍼그리드를 평가하는 것을 목표로 한다. 한-중-일, 남-북-러의 전력망을 연결하는 동북아 수퍼그리드를 통해 재생에너지의 공급 안정성을 높일 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 동북아시아의 긴장을 완화할 수 있다는 기대가 커지고 있다. 하지만 전환 경로로서 동북아 수퍼그리드가 갖는 함의는 충분히 검토되지 않고 있다. 특히 에너지정의, 에너지 민주주의 등 정의로운 전환을 주창하는 사회운동이 확산되고 있는 만큼 바람직한 미래의 관점에서 동북아 수퍼그리드를 재조명할 필요가 있다. 그동안의 동북아 수퍼그리드 논의를 정리하면, 수퍼그리드가 이질적 요소들로 구성된다는 점은 인식되고 있지만 이질적 연결망에 대한 상상은 제한적이다. 이로 인해 자본주의와 사회주의의 전력망을 연결하는 방안이 폭넓게 논의되지 못한 채 전력시장 자유화가 동북아 수퍼그리드의 조건처럼 제시되는 경향이 있다. 한편 에너지 안보의 측면에서 동북아 수퍼그리드는 성장주의에 갇혀 있으며 수퍼그리드의 다차원적인 위험을 과소 평가한다. 더불어 정부가 제시하는 동북아 수퍼그리드가 평화를 실현하는 동시에 지속가능성과 에너지 민주주의를 강화할 수 있을지 불투명하다. 동북아 수퍼그리드가 구체화되는 것과 함께 전환 경로를 둘러싼 경합의 징후가 나타나고 있는 만큼 동북아 수퍼그리드는 막연한 환호의 대상이 아니라 공동체 에너지, 에너지 커먼즈 등 다양한 전환 경로를 성찰하는 계기가 되어야 한다.
Abstract
Recently, there are hectic discussions about energy democracy domestically and internationally. For example, labor union groups in North America ask strong public regulation on electricity and gas market, and cooperatives in the EU argue that citizens should actively participate in renewable energy markets. After the introduction of this international discussion, energy democracy has become a social movement in Korea. However, there is still no concrete definition of energy democracy. Also, it has not been answered how the Korean situation differs from other countries’. Here this study attempts to conceptualize energy democracy and suggest implications in the context of Korea. As a result, energy democracy could be defined as “the alternative democracy in the field of energy.” Secondly, there had been stealth democracy related to energy policy, and technocrats had controlled the policies in Korea. Thirdly, while major backgrounds were the response to climate change.
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This article aims to clear up the discussions at Gaesong industrial complex and to explore new research topics for the possibility of resuming and expanding inter-Korean economic cooperation, when the evaluation of inter-Korean cooperation projects, which are considered to have led the peace economy on the Korean Peninsula and the security tension relief in Northeast Asia, is getting worse. Studies at the Gaesong industrial complex, which began in the 2000s, have been linked with political contexts and global situations such as UN’s sanctions against North Korea. Instead of a dichotomous approach, more emphasis needs to be placed on the research of post-territorial aspects centered on the porous nature of space in order to fill the gap between the economic and political themes of the Gaesong industrial complex.
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This paper reveals that shadow education has acquired the practical power to construct middle class neighborhood with illustrating their residential practice combined with shadow education, and argues that problem lies both in Korean residential planning model and space production mode that are prone to strengthen the hierarchical class coherence. As the residential neighborhood for middle class is the space that organizes their daily lives specifically, its components or arrangements are Habitus conditions for their class reproduction. The ‘neighborhood unit’ model, which was quoted from the land readjustment projects for middle class residence by Japanese colonial authority, has been transformed and institutionalized into the legalistic design standard for housing plan through iterative projects of complex-type apartment construction triggered by the large-scale housing supply policy. Starting with Gangnam, as apartments, apartment complexes, and newtown developments turned into the mainstream of Korean middle class residence, the public model of neighborhood unit, which used to believe in the public education within walkable vicinity and common sphere of community living, was deformed into a stratum model that selectively organizes public and shadow education. Increasing dependence on shadow education and frequent reconstruction of aging apartment complexes by private companies bolster the classist neighborhood planning model with internalized facilities for shadow education and elite enclave only for the dwellers. As this transformation illuminates the significance of the neighborhood as Habitus, one can predict that the upcoming regeneration of middle class residence in Korea lies in line with the class reproduction condition.